[時事討論] 戴大為: 英國應為香港民主挺身而出

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-7-16 10:11 PM 編輯 TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 T4 T2 @! T6 J1 ?% q) v

戴大為: 英國應為香港民主挺身而出

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英國將香港移交給中國十七年後，這塊土地的政治未來仍懸而未決。香港或許會繼續前進，實現全面民主的政治制度﹔而北京方面或許會阻礙民主發展，最終以管理其他中國城市的方式管控香港。

所有跡象都表明，北京計劃加強控制。愈發躁動不安的香港人今年夏天舉行抗議活動，反對北京方面的干預，此時國際社會，特別是前殖民宗主國英國，有道義上和法律上的義務，支持香港人要求民主與自治的願望。倫敦方面應當要求北京遵守協議，軟化立場。公仔箱論壇/ L6 U9 G1 P9 y! p8 q

7月1日，大約有50萬人在香港走上街頭，對北京的干涉表示抗議。那之前幾天，大約有80萬香港人參與了由主張民主的團體組織的非正式投票，他們支持通過民主方式選舉香港的下一任領導人，北京方面幾乎排除了這種可能性。
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中國政府曾經承諾給予香港人“普選權”，通過自由選舉產生香港的下一任領導人。但最近幾個月，中國政府明確表示，它打算違背這一承諾，堅稱北京方面必須審核候選人是否“愛國”。但激起香港人對內地干涉的抗議的，是中國政府6月公布的一份措辭強硬的政策文件，文件中稱北京對香港擁有最終的權威。

這份所謂的白皮書稱，1984年中英兩國簽署的《聯合聲明》(Joint Declaration)中承諾香港擁有的“高度自治權”，並不是指“完全自治”。簽署聲明時，北京方面意在讓全世界放心，英國的殖民統治結束後，中國不會對香港進行干涉。白皮書中聲稱，北京方面可以隨心所欲地對香港法律進行解釋，全然無視英國前首相戴卓爾夫人(Margaret Thatcher)在《聯合聲明》上的簽字。白皮書聲稱，香港自治權的“唯一來源是中央授權”。
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或許最令人不安的是，該文件將北京對香港的控制權與它對中國其他自治地方的統治相提並論。只要了解中央政府如何對待西藏和新疆的民眾，任何人都會對這種前景產生擔憂。

形勢本不應如此嚴峻。早在1979年，鄧小平與英國官員舉行會晤時就表示，香港人應該對中國的統治感到“放心”。香港的小憲法《基本法》在很大程度上履行了《聯合聲明》中的法律承諾。香港法庭獲得授權，能夠在自治權允許的范圍內解釋《基本法》，北京方面負責處理外交及國防事務。最重要的是，香港將會實施“普選”。: H/ n3 r4 [+ ]* ^' s( `, b: r/ g

如今，白皮書將香港的法官稱為“治港者”，並強調他們在保衛國家安全方面的作用。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb+ w' I& {% A8 ]; ]" f8 u9 z' m4 S/ \) x

香港移交後不久，裂痕就出現了。一開始，全國人民代表大會常務委員會實際上推翻了香港終審法院1999年對一項涉及當地居留權的案件作出的裁決，促使人們對香港的司法獨立產生了嚴重的擔憂。後來，北京方面要求，任何對立法會(Legislative Council)選舉程序進行改革的舉動，都要經過中央政府批准。在過去十年間，唯北京馬首是瞻的香港政府，還曾試圖推行不受歡迎的國家安全立法和愛國教育政策（面對大規模公眾抗議，港府都放棄了上述舉措）。與此同時，人們普遍認為，某種形式的權貴資本主義已經越過邊境，蔓延到了香港。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。  {2 ^2 C  t& B0 n

2007年，北京方面終於同意，允許香港在2017年通過普選產生行政長官。然而，北京方面在最近一年裡堅稱，候選人必須“愛國愛港”——這一措辭意在排除民主人士。香港人感覺自己除了走上街頭支持民主之外，已經別無選擇。

“讓愛與和平佔領中環”(Occupy Central With Love and Peace)組織曾威脅，如果政府不提出符合國際標准的公平的民主方案，該組織就會在金融區中環，舉行大規模的公民不服從抗議活動。為了展示公眾對其立場的支持，“佔領中環”上個月組織了投票活動。該活動要求香港市民在提名行政長官候選人的三個民主方案中選擇一個。政府的方案定於本周公布，組織者稱，如果政府提出的方案意在阻撓真正的民主改革，他們最早將於8月舉行下一場抗議。公仔箱論壇- o6 t! q6 ?9 g2 I

誰會為香港挺身而出？大型國際銀行和會計事務所遵從北京的立場，公開表示民眾抗議會破壞香港經濟，擾亂治安。華盛頓和其他國家的政府，除了像往常一樣表態支持“可信的”選舉之外，基本上都對北京最新的舉動保持沉默。
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一項特殊的責任落在英國身上，一些香港人在7月1日舉行示威活動期間就高舉著英國國旗。英國首相戴維•卡梅倫(David Cameron)最近在中國總理李克強訪問倫敦期間，與中國簽署了一些重要的貿易協議。人們不禁要問，卡梅倫是否會介入，履行英國對香港民眾的承諾。他應該考慮一下前首相馬卓安(John Major)的話。馬卓安在英國將香港移交給中國之前，曾設法讓心懷警惕的世界放心。

馬卓安在1996年，也就是移交香港的前一年表示，“如果未來出現了違反《聯合聲明》的跡象，我們就會動員國際社會，採取所有的法律及其他手段。”很明顯，這個時刻已經到來。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb2 X  _5 Y/ b* T# u( u) X0 x

NYT: Who Will Stand Up for Hong Kong?TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。- V) Z) C2 X' h4 j* W3 |
By MICHAEL C. DAVIS July 16, 2014

Seventeen years after the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China, the political future of the territory hangs in the balance. The city can continue down a path that will lead to a fully democratic political system, or Beijing can thwart its democratic development and eventually run Hong Kong like just another Chinese city.
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All signs indicate that Beijing plans to tighten its grip. As increasingly restive Hong Kongers protest this summer against Beijing’s interference, the international community, particularly Britain, the former colonial power, has a moral and legal obligation to support their will for democracy and autonomy. London should demand that Beijing live up to its agreements and back off.5.39.217.767 k4 g0 D5 ~9 K' v

On July 1st, an estimated half a million people took to the Hong Kong streets to protest Beijing’s meddling. In the days before, nearly 800,000 Hong Kongers participated in an informal vote run by a pro-democracy group in support of electing the city’s next leader by democratic means, a prospect Beijing has all but ruled out.
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In recent months, the Chinese government has made clear that it intends to renege on a promise to allow Hong Kongers“universal suffrage” to freely elect their next leader by insisting Beijing must vet the candidates for “patriotism.” But it was the release in June of a strongly worded policy paper in which Beijing claimed ultimate authority over Hong Kong that galvanized locals against the mainland’s interference.
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。6 D% W6 M1 Z7 c6 e* O' y7 B: C- g
The so-called white paper says the “high degree of autonomy” Hong Kong was promised in the 1984 Joint Declaration —signed by Britain and China when Beijing was trying to assure the world it would leave Hong Kong alone after the end of British colonial rule — is not“full autonomy.” In blatant disregard of Margaret Thatcher’s signature on the Joint Declaration, the white paper claims that Beijing can interpret Hong Kong law as it sees fit. The territory’s autonomy, the paper says, derives “solely from the authorization of the central leadership.”tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb8 N$ b$ c) k& J! \

Perhaps most troubling, the document likens Beijing’s authority over Hong Kong to how it rules other autonomous regions in China — a worrying prospect for anyone familiar with how the leadership treats the people of Tibet and Xinjiang.

The situation should not be this bleak. As early as 1979, in meetings with British officials, Deng Xiaoping said Hong Kongers should “put their hearts at ease” about Chinese rule. The Basic Law,Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, largely fulfilled the legal commitments made in the Joint Declaration. Hong Kong courts were authorized to interpret the Basic Law within the scope of Hong Kong’s autonomy, while foreign affairs and defense were to be handled by Beijing. Most importantly, “universal suffrage” was to be implemented.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。- n: d; X. v+ j* c' V0 P+ d

Now, the white paper refers to Hong Kong’s judges as “administrators” and emphasizes their role in guarding national security.公仔箱論壇! u, y0 c, L  o5 l9 o+ I5 D- U
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Cracks appeared soon after the handover.First, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee effectively overturned a 1999 decision by Hong Kong’s highest court in a case about local residency rights, raising great concern about Hong Kong’s judicial independence. Later,Beijing made central government approval a requirement for any reforms to the Legislative Council election process. And over the past decade the subservient Hong Kong government has tried to push through unpopular national security laws and policies on patriotic education (all abandoned in the face of mass public protests). Meanwhile, a form of crony capitalism is widely thought to be creeping across the border.5.39.217.76& P: X4 a/ {" I5 k
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Still, Beijing finally agreed in 2007 to allow universal suffrage to elect the chief executive in 2017. Yet in the last year Beijing has insisted that nominees must “love China and love Hong Kong” —language that is code to exclude the democrats. Locals feel they have no other choice but to take the cause of democracy to the streets.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 U' W+ D/ W! Y

The group Occupy Central with Love and Peace has threatened a mass act of civil disobedience in the Central financial district if the government does not put forth fair democracy proposals that meet international standards. To show support for its position, Occupy Central organized last month’s vote in which citizens were asked to choose from three democratic proposals for nominating chief executive candidates. The next protest, its organizers say, could happen as early as August if government proposals, due out this week, aim to block real democratic reform.: K% z4 R: X& |" P! {
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Who will stand up for Hong Kong? Major international banks and accounting firms are toeing Beijing’s line, saying publicly that mass protests will disrupt the city’s economy and threaten the peace. Except for the usual expression of support for“credible” elections, Washington and other foreign governments have largely remained silent on Beijing’s latest moves.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 d6 M7 o7 [1 b5 R

A special onus falls on Britain, whose flag some Hong Kongers waved during the July 1 demonstrations. One can only wonder if Prime Minister David Cameron, who recently signed a group of major trade deals with China during Prime Minister Li Keqiang’s visit to London, will ever weigh in to uphold his country’s commitment to Hong Kong’s people. He should consider the words of his predecessor, John Major, who sought to assure a wary world before Hong Kong was handed over to the Chinese.

“If in the future there were any suggestion of a breach of the Joint Declaration, we would mobilize the international community and pursue every legal or other avenue open to us,” Prime Minister Major said back in 1996, a year before the handover. It’s clear that time has come.
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Michael C. Davis is a law professor at the University of Hong Kong who specializes in constitutional development and human rights.
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felicity2010

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英副首相斥保守黨不支持港民主tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb1 y1 f# v2 ?7 Z
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。* f: F/ j x2 N: g

左至右為：英國副首相尼克克萊格、陳方安生、李柱銘，圖：香港2020 facebook pagetvb now,tvbnow,bttvb, @1 L+ I' @9 X, }! Y7 [0 l8 P( _
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英國傳媒報道，上周六會見了香港2020召集人、前政務司司長陳方安生和民主黨創黨主席李柱銘的英國副首相尼克克萊格(Nick Clegg)批評，聯合政府的保守黨官員不肯支持香港的民主發展。克萊格認為，首相卡梅倫及財政大臣歐思邦為了加強中英雙邊貿易，對中國的態度太過順從。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb. B: c: d# T' v) U  b

陳太及李柱銘上周六訪英，先後與克萊格及英國外交及聯邦事務部國務大臣施維爾會面，但卻未能接觸到卡梅倫及其他保守黨的內閣官員。+ [% v! o  B; L6 n# m5 k

《金融時報》及《衞報》昨天引述接近克萊格的消息人士表示，「尼克很驚訝地發現，原來自己是聯合政府中唯一一位領導，仍願意去持守當年彭定康及馬卓安對港人作出的人權承諾。」前港督彭定康及前首相馬卓安均屬保守黨，反而克萊格本身是自由民主黨黨魁。
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克萊格重申英國政府會信守前首相馬卓安於1996年所作的承諾，若中國違反就香港主權移交而與英國簽署的國際條約，英國政府將動員國際社會循一切法律及其他途徑跟進。克萊格又指出，英國仍然為中英聯合聲明作出貢獻，在維護香港的一國兩制上不會畏縮，而維持香港繁榮的最佳方法是讓香港過渡至普選，亦要讓港人在2017年選舉中有真正的選擇。, u2 f1 k. {! v2 U$ j% c4 z

李柱銘周一向《金融時報》表示，英國的政策只著眼於更多生意、更多貿易往來，陳方安生亦稱，不認同英國政府較早前提交給國會的香港半年報告書，指香港的憲制運作良好，而英國未對白皮書的內容表達立法，她認為這是不尋常。
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連結：《金融時報》、《衞報》

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felicity2010

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本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-7-18 06:16 AM 編輯

《金融時報》：英首相勿逃避守護香港自由的「條約責任」公仔箱論壇* t' t' w& a& b. Y/ d

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香港2020召集人陳方安生，以及民主黨前主席李柱銘，現正在英國訪問，希望爭取英國的政客們，捍衞中英聯合聲明給予香港的「高度自治」。然而，英國首相卡梅倫，及剛卸任的前外相夏偉林，都先後拒絕接見兩人，明顯只重視中英的經貿關係。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# u* r; |& Q8 X) R. h6 K# x7 K

不過，英國《金融時報》今日緊接英國副首相克萊格早前接見兩人時的主調，在社評中表示「英國必須為香港站出來」（Britain must stand up for Hong Kong）。該評論首先引述香港最後一任總督彭定康，曾經在其離任演說中，表明香港人將會自己管治自己的領土，這是中英雙方的承諾，也是香港不能動搖的命運。

評論指出，十七年來，中國大致遵守《中英聯合聲明》，容許香港擁有一定的政治自由，包括司法獨立。然而，國家主席習近平，近年卻明顯對香港採取更緊的政策。首先，中央明顯將要求2017年的特首選舉中，誰能成為候選人，交由中央決定。另一方面，「一國兩制白皮書」指明，中國政府對香港擁有全面管治權。該社評更指出，兩星期前，有中共高層表示，可能以解放軍鎮壓佔領中環運動。' U. P8 r% L8 q0 {
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社評認為，卡梅倫在香港議題的「沉默」並不令人滿意。雖然，《基本法》的確並未明確表示，香港人能享有完全民主的特首選舉，但基於英國與香港的歷史關係，英國政府有道德責任，捍衞香港的民主權利及責任，特別是那些在《中英聯合聲明》清楚列明的。

最後，社評提醒卡梅倫，在外交場上中國只會尊重強者。因此，那怕英國的發聲會一時損害英國的商業利益，英國亦不應示弱。更何況香港的自由，是英國政府明確的「條約責任」（ firm treaty commitment），並不是英國政府能夠逃避的。公仔箱論壇2 _) S/ W, E8 K4 t$ {# C
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FT: Britain must stand up for Hong Kong( c4 S- P2 F8 ]

The UK cannot ignore China’s threat to democratic rights

In July 1997, as the Union Flag was lowered over Hong Kong for the last time, Chris Patten, the outgoing governor,declared that the people of the former colony would now run the territory themselves. “That is the promise,” he declared in his farewell speech, “and that is the unshakeable destiny.” tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 B% T2 F7 v0 n8 s5 o* `0 L4 a7 N

Seventeen years on, the hopes inspired by that pledge have dimmed and Hong Kong’s political future is uncertain. Under the terms of the handover agreed by Britain and China in 1984, Beijing guaranteed to grant Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy and to preserve its capitalist system for 50 years. China also committed to allowing the territory to retain many political freedoms, including the independence of its judiciary. China has until now abided by this agreement. But President Xi Jinping has recently appeared to take a tougher line.

Two issues in particular prey on the nerves of the territory’s inhabitants. The first concerns a disagreement over the way Hong Kong’s chief executive – in effect the mayor of its 7m population –is elected. The office holder is chosen by a mostly pro-Beijing committee of1,200 people. Hong Kong’s Basic Law, enshrining the 1984 declaration, declares that election by universal suffrage is the “ultimate aim” and Beijing has conceded this will happen in 2017. But, to the fury of pro-democracy activists, the Chinese now insist that they alone will decide who runs for election.

Beijing has also adopted an increasingly belligerent tone towards the territory. China recently issued a “white paper”declaring that Hong Kong was not entitled to “full autonomy.” It has stated that judges should be “patriotic” towards China, raising the threat of a politicised judiciary. When these actions prompted a pro-democracy march two weeks ago, a top Chinese official warned that the People’s Liberation Army could be deployed on to the streets to quell protests.
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Given Britain’s status as a signatory of the 1984 Joint Declaration, the UK might have been expected to have a view on these matters. But in recent weeks, David Cameron, the prime minister, has gone out of his way to avoid mentioning the Hong Kong issue at all. He said nothing to Li Keqiang when the Chinese premier was in London in June. When the former colony’s leading pro-democracy activists came to London this week,Mr Cameron declined to meet them, as did foreign secretary William Hague. The obvious conclusion is that Mr Cameron, who was frozen out by China after meeting the Dalai Lama, will do nothing to undermine the bilateral trade relationship with Beijing.
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The prime minister’s reticence is unsatisfactory. True, Hong Kong’s Basic Law does not oblige China to accept the full democratic nomination of the chief executive. But Britain’s historic relationship with Hong Kong charges the UK government both with a moral obligation to defend the territory’s democratic rights and a duty to protect the freedoms enshrined in the 1984 treaty.' Q) ^  g+ r" B0 Y9 O
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Britain should remind China of the commitment in Hong Kong’s Basic Law that the territory’s judges remain independent. The UK should spell out to China that it is in Beijing’s own economic interest for Hong Kong to remain a thriving global financial centre, something that can only be sustained by political stability and the rule of law.
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Mr Cameron should recall that, in its dealings with world leaders, Beijing respects strength not weakness.Intervention on this issue might temporarily threaten some British commercial interests in China. However, the freedom of the people of Hong Kong is a matter on which the British government under Margaret Thatcher has made a firm treaty commitment.' ?( T; V. |3 F( t% V
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This is not an issue on which Britain should shrug and look the other way.

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