本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-7-29 11:02 PM 編輯 tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb; J6 w: \; `% c! E* E; U; Y6 N9 M
' @! F1 P" s. Y8 G范析852│林鄭續談「袋住先」再呃港人 無視《基本法》人大兩大條文
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4 m/ R. r/ J: ]) v/ rtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。, m9 L0 G4 J' Q
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政改三人組之首的政務司司長林鄭月娥，在「海外勢力」的美國《華爾街日報》撰文，為政改護航同時配合中央的主旋律，打起國際輿論戰。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。/ Z0 J- y1 T Y
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有關文章，標題為〈香港政改的守則〉（The Rules for Hong Kong Electoral Reform），除了老調重彈強調普選並非「中英聯合聲明」賦予，而是《基本法》的承諾外，更寄語立法會議員應拿出「政治勇氣」，指倘若政改只能原地踏步，香港市民將會非常失望。
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, @. m# \* Q6 @0 |5.39.217.76梁家傑斥如預告沒真普選
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( n6 y4 }) ?( ?6 r8 z公仔箱論壇林鄭月娥寄語立法會議員，卻為何要選擇借國際媒體之平台，固然令人滿腔疑問，而最令人疑惑的，更是林鄭月娥指出，很多人認為2017年的特首選舉方案是「終極方案」，但她認為社會需要著眼未來，相信政改方案亦正循序漸進，未來亦會繼續改善，簡而言之，就是「袋住先」。5.39.217.76! \9 `) K7 `* @ A: K" l
' d+ h8 ], T; k+ p' a7 Z0 ^4 T- K3 M5.39.217.76如此言論出街，在泛民中間似乎並不討好，最少公民黨黨魁、立法會議員梁家傑就對政改「袋住先」毫不認同，批評林鄭等同預告沒真普選，重申不會接受「袋住先」方案；民主黨主席劉慧卿就指林鄭月娥應更誠實及有膽量地，向國際社會講出真相。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb' U a9 F( s; o6 E; D3 J* B
, Z( x ~7 K! T3 V& `" y7 etvb now,tvbnow,bttvb「普選」後不存在「循序漸進」空間TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。% C8 k6 E4 _, W1 H5 z0 G9 F
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5 L+ }8 T3 A% @+ `6 s究竟政改是否真的可以「袋住先」？是否仍有循序漸進的空間？回歸基本中的《基本法》，以及被林鄭月娥屢次在談及普選原則時，也掛在口邊指出需要遵守的人大常委會的規定，答案似乎顯而易見！6 I; b& U8 h* I2 M' _4 G
" ?' i, _. a8 c( {) dtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb根據《基本法》第45條，全文是：& D n! L2 B+ U- A* }3 _1 s
. F+ e# B3 h/ Y7 H6 Dtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb香港特別行政區行政長官在當地通過選舉或協商產生，由中央人民政府任命。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb4 R0 z Z6 _1 W4 V, e
行政長官的產生辦法根據香港特別行政區的實際情況和循序漸進的原則而規定，最終達至由一個有廣泛代表性的提名委員會按民主程序提名後普選產生的目標。( e* t- W7 U8 _
行政長官產生的具體辦法由附件一《香港特別行政區行政長官的產生辦法》規定。公仔箱論壇9 l3 ~- k" G" ^. N" v+ p5 s
$ r5 ~$ E& \8 b3 B# ftvb now,tvbnow,bttvb其中，在第二段中，雖然載列有「循序漸進」之字眼，惟整個文句，配以最後的「最終達至……」，其實已清楚表明，所謂的「循序漸進」，實是指在「最終達之……」前的階段，也換言之，在「最終達至……普選產生的目標」後，其實並不存在「循序漸進」的空間。
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; ?6 l1 [3 S! N9 n4 l公仔箱論壇事實上，也正是因為《基本法》第45條中的這個「循序漸進」字眼，香港的普選未能在2012年時出現，因為當時人大常委會，就是以「最終達至……普選」是需要「循序漸進」的過程為由，只讓香港在2012年的特首選舉中，擴大選舉委員會的人數，由800人增加至1200人，以體現所謂的「循序漸進」。: D" f$ o& H, g! z# h
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當然，「最終達至……普選」後，普選的方法及程序，理應仍是可以修改的，然而這個卻不應違反「最終達至」的原則，即修改不會亦不應影響普選的程度，而如果屆時是令「普選」是「更普選」的話，即仍是「循序漸進」的過程，換言之，實是違反了《基本法》第45條。
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0 I5 E: i3 P; u2 {3 h5.39.217.76更何況，在這個英文為「The ultimate aim」的「最終達至……普選」之條文以外，另一份同樣具效力的文件之條文中，也進一步顯示這個「最終達至……普選」，其實沒有「袋住先」的餘地。公仔箱論壇2 F# ]% Q& u+ y" F' N, @6 i6 _
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人大常委決定如同否定林鄭建議
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8 d' M9 a) Y! F5 W& _2007年12月26日第十屆全國人大常委會第31次會議中，人稱「喬老爺」的人大常委會副秘書長喬曉陽，發表了「關於《全國人民代表大會常務委員會關於香港特別行政區2012年行政長官和立法會產生辦法及有關普選問題的決定（草案）的說明》，當中指出根據當時行政長官提交的政改報告，提出「”不遲於2017年先行落實普選行政長官”」這個建議，國務院港澳事務辦公室最後認為，「2017年第五任行政長官可實行普選產生的辦法」，而最終這個也成為人大常委會在3日後通過的《決定》。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 [' ]8 L5 _& i' P
. X' v* s) f# e. Q. M% L# N" y$ p5.39.217.76而這個，便正成為了令林鄭「袋住先」的說法難以成立的框框。因為如果在2017年時，真的「實行普選產生的辦法」來選出第五任行政長官，連接《基本法》第45條的原則，這個「普選產生的辦法」，便一定是經過「循序漸進的原則」後「最終達至」的「普選」，以林鄭月娥作為「精英中的精英」的多年政務官經驗與訓練，如此顯淺的邏輯與道理，又焉會不明白？. }. Y/ L9 e' K
2 z T3 S9 y5 i- ~TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。林行止曾斥林鄭弄虛作假
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林鄭月娥曾多次呼籲、提醒、警告，指普選行政長官討論須回歸《基本法》，又指普選需要嚴格依照《基本法》辦事，既然「袋住先」明顯不符合基《基本法》，又或最少存在爭議時，林鄭月娥恐怕需要先自行務實起來，回歸到《基本法》去吧！TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。$ u% V) X% m- x; L
, k. ^9 F, o7 B6 o' F; T對於林鄭月娥，老范就想到《信報》創辦人林行止先生上周的一夕話，直斥林鄭月娥出賣香港，現節錄一反段如下：tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb' K+ E/ h4 F9 z# O$ ~
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「民意諮詢於二○一三年十二月啟動，主事者不是京官，不是國內的法律專家，不是港共的頭面人物，亦不是學術界或商業性的民調機構，而是決策層的核心官員，『政改三人組』成員都是生於港、長於港，由港府公務員或專業人士轉為政治任命高官的林鄭月娥、袁國強和譚志源，看其『出身』，他們怎會不是力挺香港一制的 精英？可是，他們當眾拿出一份刻意套取以就己（京？）意的報告，明知是弄虛作假卻說是『如實反映』，抬舉誇大『共民黨見』，壓抑很多港人的真實訴求！政務司司長、『三人組』領導林鄭月娥其後還在多份報章發表題為《踏出落實普選第一步》的文章，其巧言令色與她過去的表現並不一致，這種『突變』也許是在政治壓力下不得不變；無論如何，這篇『紅』文的貼切標題，應該是《踏出『兩制』消亡的第一步》。」
Y' f: r' y# q5 mTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。
. i/ r5 C" e+ n' s" w) j$ e由是觀之，林鄭月娥的這一個「袋住先」，還有丁點值得港人信任嗎？
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: P) X1 a' G o3 q! m4 ]WSJ: The Rules for Hong Kong Electoral Reform
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/ B2 T9 e: H2 ]+ R$ ]0 O6 cFrom Carrie Lamtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb& w, w/ X0 |" d$ V) y6 d; d
+ R( E' f4 c3 \5 FTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。The central government has lived up to its commitments to the territory's people.$ }$ Y Q& [, `" N7 i; {
July 27, 2014 公仔箱論壇, |' Q7 a; @: v, g; Q
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Hong Kong this month took the first step in the procedure for constitutional reform. On July 15, Chief Executive C.Y. Leung submitted a report to the National People's Congress Standing Committee(NPCSC), saying that there is a need to amend the electoral method for the 2017chief executive election with a view to attaining universal suffrage. This took into account the report of a five-month public consultation conducted by the Task Force on Constitutional Development that I chair.
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Within a month or two, the NPCSC will inform the chief executive of its decision as to whether the Basic Law can be amended to implement universal suffrage in selecting the chief executive in 2017. We expect the NPCSC to give us the green light. On this basis, we plan to launch another public consultation on more specific suggestions with a view to forging a consensus for enabling legislation to be drafted and eventually put to legislators for a vote.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 u+ b' ^9 ~/ |0 K
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Looking ahead, I offer a few observations.First, it is worth noting that universal suffrage for the selection of the chief executive was not part of the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed in1984. The declaration refers to the selection of the chief executive by election or through consultations held locally.
) E* i. A+ a# q/ MTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。
# \, f1 s) \( P6 ~TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。It was only during the drafting of the Basic Law, promulgated in 1990, that the ultimate aim of selecting the chief executive by universal suffrage was included. In 1990, with Hong Kong still under British administration, there was not a single directly elected seat in the Hong Kong legislature.
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; |+ F' F: G: l5 [1 ?. ISince Hong Kong's return to China in 1997,almost every election of the chief executive and Legislative Council has been more democratic. In 2007, the NPCSC decided that the fifth-term chief executive in 2017 could be selected by universal suffrage and that after this milestone was reached, universal suffrage for legislative elections was also possible. It is clear by its actions that the central authorities in Beijing have lived up to its commitments in the Basic Law (which is a national law of China) and are sincerely committed to greater democracy in Hong Kong.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb% s" L: L% W& g$ o2 M' A; I
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Second, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was established under the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. Article 12 of the Basic Law states that the Hong Kong shall be a local administrative region of the People's Republic with a high degree of autonomy and directly under the Central People's Government. As such, the central authorities retain the constitutional powers and responsibilities to determine Hong Kong's political system and its pace of development.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。9 {; X" q8 w& E( d* s' C
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 b7 Z5 D. }1 B4 c+ _8 b
The design of our political system, including universal suffrage, relates to the exercise of sovereignty by the state over Hong Kong as well as full implementation of the "One Country, Two Systems" framework. Amendments to the electoral method for selecting the chief executive must be passed by a two-thirds majority of the Legislative Council, receive the chief executive's consent and be approved by the NPCSC.Universal suffrage for the selection of the chief executive is not an internal matter for Hong Kong to decide on its own. It is a matter that relates closely to the relationship between the state and a local administration.
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Third, in handling democratic development matters, we must strictly follow the law. This is a core value of Hong Kong. tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb! s. z! G6 d0 ^9 j3 D
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Article 45 of the Basic Law states that"The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the selection of the chief executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures."
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$ t8 E% Q" t- I9 C/ w4 ~1 x( Z公仔箱論壇Legal experts, locally and in the mainland,have confirmed that the power of the nominating committee is substantive. It cannot be undermined, circumvented or "watered down" by other forms of nomination. Accordingly, the just-concluded public consultation solicited views on the size and composition of the nominating committee, the method for its formation, the procedures for its nomination of chief executive candidates,etc.公仔箱論壇+ G( G4 I$ A1 M8 u( e( q' K4 e
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Fourth, any amendments to our electoral methods require a two-thirds majority in the Legislative Council. At the moment, no single party or affiliation of parties can deliver the 47 votes required in our 70-seat legislature. Therefore, some form of cross-party support will be necessary, and compromise will be an essential element of this.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb& j- W1 E; b' q2 H$ h, P: Y. M( ]
+ X* U; }& T9 A' T: W" Ntvb now,tvbnow,bttvbIf our upcoming political package fails to muster the required votes in the legislature, then Hong Kong's democratic development will come to a standstill, as it did in 2005 when we missed an opportunity to change the electoral methods for the 2007 chief executive and 2008 Legislative Council elections.公仔箱論壇# o: V4 a1 L1 N* c" T2 f
: L# x$ j& v0 j+ e公仔箱論壇Such an outcome will seriously disappoint Hong Kong people and adversely affect government operations. We hope that our legislative councilors will display political courage and pragmatism to bring about change and provide our five million eligible voters with the opportunity to select the chief executive by one-person, one-vote in 2017. If change does not happen, then we have to retain the current system of selecting the chief executive through a 1,200-person Election Committee. In this regard the choice is very clear.
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Fifth, let's cast an eye on the future. Many skeptics say or believe that the 2017 electoral arrangements are final. They have therefore adopted a "now or never" or "all or nothing"approach.
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5 A; ~2 S1 U& F5.39.217.76In line with the stated Basic Law principles of gradual and orderly progress, as well as taking stock of the actual situation in Hong Kong, it should be possible to further amend electoral arrangements in the future—for example, by improving broad representativeness of the nominating committee or the "democratic procedures" to nominate chief executive candidates for selection by universal suffrage.公仔箱論壇! Q1 s" [% J L9 p4 O
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At this critical juncture in Hong Kong's history, cool heads, pragmatism and the spirit of compromise must prevail.Otherwise we won't be able to take the bold first step of universal suffrage that will advance Hong Kong's democratic development. I remain wholeheartedly committed to working with our legislature and the community to devise a system for the 2017 chief executive election that is legally sound, stands a reasonable chance of gaining public and Legislative Council support, and is practical, practicable and easy to understand.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。, b& Z4 ?8 D$ E+ h3 T' w8 J1 k
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; s- m/ ]+ O( h2 H# ^TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Mrs. Lam is the chief secretary for administration of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
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發表於 2014-7-29 10:48 PM
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