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標題: [時事討論] 林行止: 息事不寧人 出入不平安 [打印本頁]

作者: felicity2010    時間: 2016-1-12 11:43 AM     標題: 林行止: 息事不寧人 出入不平安

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2016-1-12 11:45 AM 編輯
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銅鑼灣一家專營內地「猛人秘辛」的書店,其關連企業的股東及職員共計五人相繼「失蹤」。支聯會為此於去周日(十日)發起聲援大遊行,參與人數盈千未上萬(主辦單位的數字為六千五百人、警方的為三千五百人),當中包括曾被傳媒譽為「香港良心」、如今又被部分語帶輕佻者稱為「民主老太」的前政務司司長陳方安生;方女士在現場回應傳媒訪問時說,失蹤事件對「一國兩制」的衝擊有甚於二○○三年特區政府要為《基本法》第二十三條立法!5.39.217.763 F7 \* L4 z7 K7 m6 z. Z! n' S

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說話的是明眼人,「一箸夾中」港人心事;輕輕一句話便指出其對「一國兩制」為害之大。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb/ h3 K3 D# t& h5 v" o

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周日從政府總部(金鐘)出發至中聯辦(西環)的遊行隊伍,與百萬人上街的「墟冚」,雖然不可同日而語,不過,並非空蕩蕩而是相當浩蕩,遊行者的滿腔激情絕不容輕視。參與者有手持標語、有綁上雨傘運動後極具象徵意義的黃絲帶、有人扮失蹤者,又有人借自綁手腳和以紅膠布封口的「化裝」,用以影射港人人身和言論自由受綑綁;筆者從熒幕上看到不少標語,當中以「抗議政治綁架、捍衞一國兩制」的橫額最「搶眼」。
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說「失蹤事件」是「政治綁架」,可以招來查無實據的駁斥;可是,無論心裏是否有數,當大家聽到那位議員在立法會上逐字宣讀「老友傳言」,說什麼「五條書局友」坐「洗頭艇」赴內地宿娼嫖妓的說話時,都會作出比聽到「政治綁架」更為「火滾」的反應。如此蔑視港人智慧卻又蠢得令人惱怒的卑鄙嘴臉竟然出現在議事堂前,已是對香港畸形民主的醜陋剪影!: d+ k) R8 k6 v7 s4 s0 j

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「失蹤事件」當事人是一位持有英國護照、同時擁有「回鄉證」的香港人,在香港從事出版工作;他的妻子於二一五年除夕向警方求助,透露一度「失聯」的丈夫曾從內地(深圳)發出電話,表示要逗留較長時間處理事務。警方受理此案,列為人口失蹤,不過,事隔一天,報案人赴警局銷案。可是,警方於接受「銷案」的同時,並無放棄追查。% h& e: T  x2 a6 V2 O0 w
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從報案、立案到銷案以至政府(警方)不能罷休的調查看,這是一個內情絕不簡單的「意外」,由於有確認當事人字跡的信件,從內容看,已足反映當事人對「事情被搞大」的焦慮,無論此信是出於自願的表述還是在威逼下的違心之論,群眾對當事人人身安全和自由的關切,表達方式必須知所避忌和慎言,以免令當事人受罪。說到底,被失蹤而仍有音訊,總比音訊全無的人間蒸發那麼造孽和嚇人好!港人可以就涉事的各種關乎公眾層面的疑問和難題,包括跨境案子的通報系統、越境執法的情況及《基本法》對不同國籍居民的保障等等,提出質詢甚至聲討。可是,對在形格勢禁下的當事人,群眾的聲援切忌武斷莽撞,以免發生「無彎轉」的悲劇。律政司司長昨天在二一六年法律年度開啟典禮上發言,不點名指「失蹤事件」引起社會廣泛注意,「完全可以理解,更必須正視」;但他指出「由於警方仍在
$ _! _7 r3 F: k: x3 }  S積極調查,現階段不宜妄下定論」。港人必須提防好心做壞事。
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「失蹤事件」當事人有息事寧人的想法,誰都可以理解,然而,世故一點的人都心中有數,事到如今,縱使真能有效息事,卻是無法寧人。因為人們從當事人的身份,看到無論他開了多少「太平門」、拿了多少本外國護照,並且避免回內地,但是,只要住在五星旗下的香港,風中飄盪的紫荊花區旗和精心炮製的《基本法》,都是只有裝點作用。地方的特殊性、權威性與自主性,都在五星旗星光下瑟縮,虛弱無力、黯然無光。公仔箱論壇7 H% \2 K  F* ?3 J
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人心不安的另一原因,是特區政府知道社會上有傳言,指「失蹤事件」涉及內地人員在港執法,於是行政長官煞有介事會見傳媒,公開申明根據《基本法》,特區政府不接受內地執法機關在港執法。可是,當記者追問能否承諾「絕不接受」內地執法人員在港執法時,行政長卻繼續以「不能接受」敷衍作答,沒有斬釘截鐵的「絕不」。「不能接受」與「絕不接受」之間,行政長官按《基本法》管治香港的承擔顯然留有一點空間。「絕不」沒有保證,「不接受」還可勉為其難,今後的「勉為其難」恐怕就像他老說「迎難而上」般琅琅上口!
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無論金融、工商、經貿、房產,還是文化、娛樂的各式產業,港人愈多往內地談經營,說合作,出現這樣那樣的爭拗和糾紛,在所難免;看到「河水不犯井水」的立法概念,在香港建政和管治方面大崩圍,行政長官梁振英任內不斷出現香港一制的銷蝕,這回「失蹤事件」,大家對他能否公平合理處事,光明正大地拿出日後檢舉通報和審理跨境事務的一套,難有信心;事實上,不少港人如今極擔憂的是出入難保平安,因為煮蛙的溫水似乎已見蟹眼開闔快沸騰了!
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多數港人相信,「失蹤事件」與該書店出版的書籍所透露的某些內情確屬「國家機密」有關,涉及政治人物私生活的雜書遂成「政治事件」;筆者早在這裏指出,內地當權派個個兩袖清風、愛情專一;落水狗則人人貪腐、玩弄女性!「禁書」不符「國情」,「強力部門」因此要盤問消息來源以便揪出散布內情的「政敵」,惟此事拖延數月仍無定論,才會發生涉嫌越境捉人的世界新聞。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) p8 \3 b: Z) C/ u+ l0 Y

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揭露政敵的醜聞,特別有廣泛市場需求與財色有關的陳年舊事,是自由言論受法律保障地區的普遍現象,是以「扒糞」為職志的新聞工作者在滿足人民知情權大纛下的努力方向,因此,新聞自由度的高低與這類政治醜聞的多寡成正比。非常明顯,這方面的「成績」,美國最為突出。5.39.217.76, O- P8 C6 }1 D
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美國政黨總統候選人提名賽已進入白熱化階段,政治醜聞的曝光率相應提升,而此中最為人注目的是競逐民主黨提名的克林頓夫人希拉莉,筆者手上這本由兩名資深社交記者合撰五百多頁的《比爾和希拉莉愛情便是這麼一回事》(Billand Hillary - So This is That Thing Called Love),內容香艷荒唐、疑真疑幻,確是消閑妙品。
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在這些記者如數家珍事涉以百計國際尤其是美國政治人物、社交名流並有圖文為證的荒誕淫穢私生活中,曾與白宮暑假實習生白晝在白宮宣淫(不是「做愛」)的前總統克林頓,從學生時代開始,過的便是「日日嬉春」的日子。別的不說,克林頓以羅德學人身份在英國牛津留學,據記者搜集的種種「證據」,「證實」他主修「媾女」(Majoring in women;頁七十)、當炸魚與炸薯條為上菜、課餘流連酒吧,其為典型登徒子的大學生涯,於茲可見。書中所縷列自稱與克林頓有一手的「實名」女性,不下二三十位(未正式統計,也許不止此數),其中相信港人較有興趣的是克林頓曾「意圖強姦(forcibly tried to seduce)甘迺迪夫人積琪蓮」,此事由積琪蓮密友、《華盛頓郵報》故出版人葛拉罕夫人透露,可信性極高……。克林頓是典型的「性慾亢奮者」!2 a( R" K! @  e% H$ Z! F

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為什麼克林頓夫人競逐黨內總統候選人提名而有專書專揭乃夫到處留「精」的荒淫行徑?答案是她的「對手」熱炒冷飯,藉以把她拉下「道德高地」。作為前國務卿及婦解健者,希拉莉竟然容忍乃夫胡來,這不是反證了她懦弱得近乎無耻嗎?如此德性,怎有成為美國總統的道德纖維……。這種推理不無道理,問題是,書中一切指控與揭露,雖然說得有根有據,但這些昔時傳聞,有多少刊於擅長捕風捉影、善於加鹽加醋的「小報」。換句話說,這類未經證實及絕對被誇大的「舊聞」,如今被當成新聞炒作,怎可照單全收?5.39.217.76' I3 N, Y! k7 @: E6 i
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克林頓和夫人如何應付這些「負面新聞」?克林頓在為夫人助選的場合對記者說:「待特朗普入圍後再說吧!」這是「耍太極」之言;還是希拉莉較高明,她回應記者問相關傳言的真偽時說:「你當然可以相信,直至證據令你不相信為止(until they disbelieved based on evidence)」。
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如果在香港出版的「禁書」出現的內地政要有希拉莉的見識與胸襟,便不會鬧出這場令港人提心吊膽令北京國際形象受損的風暴疑雲!3 L! t' `. @1 e7 N- O
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作者: felicity2010    時間: 2016-1-15 11:31 PM

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2016-1-15 11:34 PM 編輯
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% e- b- b; J& X4 U2 uThe Economist: Two-systems failure
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8 \+ H0 X, c3 kChina’s promise of autonomy for Hong Kong is ringing hollow
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THE lugubrious Leung Chun-ying, Hong Kong’s chief executive, was never the man to cheer you up. This was a handicap as he made his fourth annual policy address to the Legislative Council (Legco) this week. The mood in the chamber and the territory as a whole was sour. Business frets about the slowdown in China. Political life remains scarred by the failure of the pro-democracy “umbrella” movement of 2014. To protests, Mr Leung plodded through a speech on economic issues, with a special emphasis on China’s regional plans. He did not even try to allay rekindled fears that Hong Kong’s freedoms are in jeopardy.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb2 {: `# S& M8 f8 B! g
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Looked at in a certain light, such fears can seem overblown. Hong Kong still debates politics with no holds barred. Groups banned elsewhere in China freely proselytise. And any perceived encroachment on the territory’s freedoms provokes loud protests. Yet the alleged abduction since October of five Hong Kong residents by the Chinese authorities has cast a dark shadow. Three vanished in mainland China and one in Thailand. The disappearance on December 30th of the fifth man, Lee Bo, has caused particular alarm. He appears to have been snatched from Hong Kong itself and spirited across the border to the mainland, without his travel documents or any record of his leaving. His fate remains unknown. Like the other four, he was associated with a publisher and bookshop specialising in one of Hong Kong’s more esoteric niche businesses: scurrilous tales of intrigue, infighting, corruption and sex among China’s Communist leaders. A forthcoming title purports to uncover the love life of President Xi Jinping. Many have assumed that the Communist Party’s displeasure with the firm’s output explains the mysterious disappearances. China has not denied it.   
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The implications would be grim. Under the Joint Declaration of 1984 with Britain over Hong Kong’s future, China promised that “one country, two systems” would apply after China resumed sovereignty over the territory: ie, that Hong Kong would enjoy autonomy in all but its defence and foreign relations. Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, guarantees among other things freedom of speech and judicial independence. The suggestion that Hong Kong’s people, should they displease the sovereign master, might simply be kidnapped makes a nonsense of this.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb" d- h  f) i+ r! R6 N
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A torrent of outrage has gushed from China’s usual critics in Hong Kong: Martin Lee, a veteran barrister, legislator and pro-democracy campaigner, called the apparent kidnapping “the most worrying thing” to have happened in Hong Kong since British rule ended in 1997. Even the Communist Party’s loyalists in Hong Kong are at a loss. The local government usually sees its role as justifying the central authorities’ ways to Hong Kong, rather than the other way round. Yet this week the justice secretary, Rimsky Yuen Kwok-keung, called the fears the incident had evoked “totally understandable”. Legco’s president, Jasper Tsang Yok-sing, founding chairman of the biggest pro-Communist party, insisted that China should reassure Hong Kong about its autonomy. And many businessmen, even those who usually advocate placating the central government in the interests of political stability, think that extrajudicial rendition would cross a red line.5.39.217.76/ p$ P7 z3 k, o/ S5 H
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China also faces international scrutiny. Britain, hoping to position itself as China’s best friend in Europe, did little to show support for the pro-democracy protesters in 2014. But the missing Mr Lee holds a British passport, and Philip Hammond, Britain’s foreign secretary, has said that his abduction to the mainland would be an “egregious breach” of the Joint Declaration. Gui Minhai, who vanished in Thailand, is a Swedish citizen; the European Union has called the events “extremely worrying”. They were also widely watched in Taiwan. China hopes that island will also eventually accept Chinese sovereignty under the promise of “one country, two systems”, but Taiwan is likely on January 16th to elect an independence-leaning president.
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Since the disappearances look disastrous for China’s image, many in Hong Kong believe that they cannot have been a deliberate policy by the central leadership. They speculate that lower-level officials overstepped the mark, or even that Communist Party factions hostile to Mr Xi are trying to embarrass him. China is left with a headache. It will have to cook up some plausible-sounding explanation for the mystery and coax, cajole or coerce the missing men into playing along. That, the theory goes, explains the prolonged silence.
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4 k3 @& P/ ~% {& C& Y3 Gtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbFor pessimists, however, the snatching of Mr Lee is just the most outrageous instance of the mainland’s increasing interference in Hong Kong. They see other examples, including the purchase of the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong’s main English-language newspaper, by Alibaba, China’s e-commerce goliath; and the decision by Mr Leung to appoint a pro-government ally to chair Hong Kong University’s governing council, rather than the university’s own nominee.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 `8 |- h  T) i4 k5 v
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Notes from the underground
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Pessimists also point out that China has wielded enormous influence in Hong Kong since long before 1997. Bizarrely, though, the Communist Party is even now an underground organisation there. The secrecy may encourage subterfuge, rumour-mongering and even lawlessness. Some officials may well sanction illegal snatch-squads, to show that Hong Kong’s autonomy does not extend to anti-party activity. That this also proves the emptiness of the “one country, two systems” promise would be a small price to pay. Presumably having nothing useful to say on the issue, Mr Leung ignored it in his speech. A legislator from the pro-democracy camp, Lee Cheuk-yan, was expelled from the chamber for interrupting him to demand information about the Lee Bo case. Later he accused the chief executive of trying “to turn Hong Kong into the mainland”. Nearly two decades after its reversion to China, few in Hong Kong want that.




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