本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-9-10 10:36 AM 編輯 $ N" z2 _$ K* J( u" S& L- g* htvb now,tvbnow,bttvbTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 q2 G2 b3 z1 ^ K! a' I7 [
范析852│梁特投書《金融時報》談普選 七大語言偽術失禮國際 ) x2 T% P$ G2 ~5 s, T: _9 z5.39.217.76 6 S' Q- S+ f: p3 y' Y公仔箱論壇5.39.217.76+ @+ z6 ^5 g. `! D tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 J' O" p# `0 Q9 \& R- j2 a+ M" P' D1 L
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這邊廂，行政長官辦公室於上周四回應前港督彭定康就人大「落閘」的言論時，聲稱「按照《基本法》推動政制發展屬於中國的內部事務，應由中央及香港市民決定」；翌日，沒有外交權的特區政府，卻涉嫌「越權」再發表措辭強硬以至無禮的聲明，回應英國外交部對香港普選的評論，指「香港的政制發展全屬中國內政及香港的內部事務，特區政府不歡迎其他國家作評論和以任何方式干預」，言猶在耳，梁振英卻在今天投書英國的《金融時報》談政改，親自示範如何把政改跟「外部勢力」結連。 ( g9 }& v3 ^( ~2 ]3 G G8 M; p# o5 i* L ~. E, d
梁振英的文章標題為「Hong Kong must seize the first chance to elect its own leaders」（香港必須抓緊首次選舉自己領導人的機會），內容其實是老調重提，但只要細閱，不難發現當中充斥最少七大語言「偽」術。由於《金融時報》屬國際媒體，國際間對香港情況或不熟悉者，隨時不知就裡被誤導，故甚需要立此存照，以正視聽。 " i1 n. G% o& P* }6 {7 I5.39.217.76' t5 [* @8 E, ?" R" E& h 落實普選變成北京「恩惠」1 m- {! ?* m& D5 F, ~1 d+ K
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該文章由「港人（包括永久性居民及外籍人士）首次獲提供機會可直接選舉他們下一任特首」（For the first time, all Hong Kong’s permanent residents, including those who are foreign nationals, are being offered the chance to vote directly for their next leader, the chief executive.）說起，然而只是短短的一句，敘有兩大可議之處，包括按現時人大的「落閘」框架，在提名委員會必然存在下，港人已「肯肯定」不是「直接選舉」（vote directly）特首，而必然是一個「間選」。此外，把北京理應按《基本法》落實的「普選」，說成是「提供給港人的機會」，也明顯跟事實不符，就如婚姻，男女雙方既承諾彼此廝守若淪為「提供照顧」，所謂的承諾實已變質，而「being offered」這二字，恐怕反映在梁振英眼中，落實普選實是中央對港人的「恩惠」。 : Q/ ]) b; y+ {- p! pTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 ( l. N/ y. \8 g# j! M& ^然後，梁振英話鋒一轉講歷史，稱回歸前經歷28任的港督共155年的殖民地管治，都對推動香港普選沒有貢獻（without any input），而有關說法，同時又是語言「偽」術。須知道，早在麥理浩年代，已理行地區行政改革，包括直選區議員，而末代港督彭定康，更大膽地在自己的首份《施政報告》中推出政改方案，推出新九組，令立法局變相全面直選，奈何此舉卻換來時任職港澳辦主任的魯平罵作「千古罪人」，也最終導致立法局過渡至立法會的「直通車」方案「車毀人亡」。 3 h% k3 u0 i9 e8 g2 |; l$ J公仔箱論壇公仔箱論壇6 ?" i. @; z2 g9 s T 曲解《聯合聲明》再胡扯退步論 0 u6 K ]& f6 E* Z 0 ^! g& {: ~" k$ _# N) C至於梁振英再次聲稱，在《中英聯合聲明》中並沒有提及「普選」（universal suffrage）的字眼，誠如《852郵報》過去多次分析，《聲明》的第4條是「香港特別行政區政府由當地人組成。行政長官在當地通過選舉或協商產生，由中央人民政府任命。」而「通過選舉」，按常理自然是個公平而普及的選舉（即普選），而如果是要落實「假選舉」，又何需要白紙黑字寫明？梁振英在文中竟厚顏地引述有關的聲明部分，再指「唯有《基本法》」（Only the Basic Law）才談及普選，根本是在曲解《中英聯合聲明》，以至誤導國際。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。; s. U; f( \. [2 L2 k [6 Z# H0 e
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他的第四個語言「偽」術，是在文中提出，如果立法會議員選舉「原地踏步」維持現有的選舉委員會方式，將是「向前踏一步與後退兩步」的分別。而他更強調，有立法會議員因未能達到他們期望，故不滿而拒絕方案，帶來「後退兩步」的後果的說法沒有錯誤，因除會令大家失去在2017以「一人一票」選舉特首的機會外，更同時失去在2020年普選立法會的機會。但最基本不過的邏輯是，就算方案被否決，充其量只是維持原狀，又何來「後退」可言？相反，如果通過方案，現時既未有細節曝光，「落閘」後的框架也較現時的門檻更高，本身又那來「向前踏進一步」可言？ a" B" K* r4 }& v. ]0 f. } |/ a% j( w+ Q5 R「僭建」《基本法》45條 $ m6 m& E9 a2 f8 O4 g( l" Ztvb now,tvbnow,bttvb3 K/ I r( m" R( o7 [# g# o7 m
第五個的語言「偽」術，是梁振英繼而指，有批評認為北京現時的框架過份保守，並非「真民主」（real democracy），更稱這些人認為，提名委員會會「篩選」泛民陣營的參選人。他就引用《基本法》「提醒」大家，指當中有兩大基本規定，包括提名候選人是唯一由提名委員處理的事（nomination of candidates is a matter for the nominating committee only）；此外，當選者要由中央作出任命。他然後還指出，提名委員會將從選委會的模式產生（will be modelled on the election committee）。 + Y" H( F/ z- ztvb now,tvbnow,bttvbtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb0 {# h9 o$ Z: ?) N( w, f1 i8 S
不過，現實是在《基本法》中，並沒有提及提名委員會是唯一的，最少在整個關於普選的《基本法》45條中，並不存在「only」（唯一）這字眼，故過去就曾有討論認為，《基本法》是沒有限死只得一種的提名方法；而由此路進，梁振英所云的「《基本法》基本規定」，其實只是來自北京或人大的決定，現時卻「僭建」入《基本法》中，真人示範如何當「僭建高手」。 ( _" ]0 H/ c5 m. c8 g, |TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。6 }: P9 t& |: t; Q7 x+ C4 ~+ @ 梁振英談選民數字也「發水」 ; B, c3 V5 z/ y* c+ U6 K% m' R/ m6 T
更甚的，是他還把《基本法》原文「有廣泛代表性的提名委員會」（a broadly representative nominating committee），「改寫」稱成「四個有廣泛代表性的界別」（four broadly representative sectors），兩者之間實有差天共地之別呀！ ' Q" U. ?. B: \ 6 H$ J' }4 N( L7 {1 U0 U' l公仔箱論壇梁振英還稱，「500萬選民選擇香港下一任的領導人將會對我們的城市之政治文化產生深遠的影響」（Five million voters choosing Hong Kong’s next leader will have a profound effect on the political culture of our city），但眾所周知，香港現時只有350多萬的登記選民（Voter），而過去十年，選民登記只不過增加了約30萬人，梁振英有什麼方法，可以在一年多之間，把選民數字增加150萬人呢？似乎不單有「發水樓」，梁振英更以語言「偽」術創出「發水選民數字」。 3 p I9 m4 z6 E) Z6 O 2 c8 t" c* D- X, [; S梁振英的第七個語言「偽」術，是指現時一些針對提委會的批評，忽略了提委會的組成方法，而有關的組成方式，現時仍未作討論，更指在提票選出這1200名提委會委員前，沒有人可以肯定他們是誰。不過，如果提委會是要按選委會的方式產生，那提委名單恐怕是「八九不離十」，再加上現時選委會的「公司票」、「機構票」等問題，因事涉不同的利益板塊而無從解決，故未來的提委會，只會是一個變種的「小圈子」。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb A0 Z& G( f1 C% K
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-9-10 10:41 AM 編輯 tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 V; y; C# n, Z3 o- s
' u, ?( |# T/ f5 p5 Z4 _公仔箱論壇Hong Kong must seize the first chance to elect its own leaderstvb now,tvbnow,bttvb i1 ^/ A& E5 h7 G- t6 V. D
By C Y Leung 0 j5 Q `# _/ n$ f; W, a: h公仔箱論壇 7 ] G4 C( `( \9 ^9 F1 Y3 b公仔箱論壇Successive governments have been working towards universal suffrage, writes C Y LeungTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。( i$ q) o2 k: ^7 d% w- z5 v0 d/ J
& R& G% l+ d7 _6 {1 N& ATVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。$ u$ Q) f: `2 }4 y: d; r( ? V
For the first time, all Hong Kong’s permanent residents, including those who are foreign nationals, are being offered the chance to vote directly for their next leader, the chief executive. / z. |7 M# V: J7 W6 o7 {7 e PTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# \. S; t$ e) q1 b) u1 t; F% D1 n* `1 d+ Z
The 28British governors who ruled Hong Kong for a total of 155 years before 1997 were dispatched by the British government without any input at all from the Hong Kong people – or the British people, for that matter.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) Z4 U; f/ a1 M3 a7 M: U# W& R
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The Sino-British Joint Declaration signed in 1984, now cited as the basis of Britain’s legal or moral obligation to Hong Kong, makes no mention of universal suffrage. 公仔箱論壇1 A5 J' N7 [- s% t( i& F
9 p# d9 p5 y" C1 U" a2 yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。It only states: “The chief executive will be appointed by the Central People’s Government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally.” 5 F+ K: j4 Z8 g6 s
& N) F: w$ |; e3 n/ nOnly the Basic Law, promulgated in 1990 by the National People’s Congress, China’s parliament, and implemented in July 1997, states that the ultimate goal is to elect the chief executive by universal suffrage.公仔箱論壇/ ^! g: d# _1 m2 ^
% ~5 ^( C% _6 f2 g; d: E$ V- G公仔箱論壇Since 1997,chief executives have been chosen by an election committee, the size of which has grown steadily, from 400 in 1996 to 1,200 in 2012. Successive Hong Kong governments, with the full support of Beijing, have been working towards achieving universal suffrage. 6 `1 O- e& z$ w9 G7 ^# Htvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 8 V) H. r+ a% c Y$ l5 p5.39.217.76The question that the Hong Kong people and our legislators need to address now is whether we embrace this opportunity offered by Beijing for major democratic progress, universal suffrage in 2017, or would rather opt for stagnation by retaining the election committee. Do we want to take one step forward or two steps back? 4 I* t# Q) R- C8 V5 PTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 2 z: ?% ?& L8 Q7 }+ m1 uTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Make no mistake, it will be two steps back if political reform is rejected by legislators unhappy that it does not meet their expectations. We will not only miss an opportunity to elect the chief executive on the basis of one-person,one-vote in 2017, we will also miss the chance to return all members of the Legislative Council (Legco) by universal suffrage in 2020 since that reform is premised on reform of the selection of chief executives.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。6 |( f* \$ J+ T4 |( Z7 x
6 Y& X! g2 @2 @" y5 t; JTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。The next chance for constitutional reform would then be the chief executive election of2022, five years later than what is now on the table. And it would be 2024 at the earliest before any more reform is possible for Legco elections.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 X3 b. g' O& y# v5 L
; p% j/ A: C+ M# lCritics in Hong Kong and abroad believe that Beijing’s framework is too conservative and is not “real democracy”. They claim that the nominating committee will “screen out”candidates from “the pan-democratic” camp. 8 h k. A) u0 B' B5 h$ Wtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb / w, B2 G( F1 L% n5 {5 X$ t6 X公仔箱論壇But everyone should be reminded of two basic provisions in the Basic Law: first, nomination of candidates is a matter for the nominating committee only; and second, all successful candidates have to be appointed by the central government of China before taking office. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。* E" b- H# }8 d: U5 O6 U
These provisions have been in place since 1990, when the Basic Law was promulgated.Appointment by the central government is necessary as Hong Kong, unlike other local democracies, enjoys a high degree of autonomy as a result of additional powers authorised by the central government. The nominating committee will be modelled on the election committee that selected the chief executive in 2012,that is, 1,200 members from four broadly representative sectors, most of them elected by their constituents. ) m( t# W. O& p5 G! m5.39.217.76tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# d& X6 a) |0 k) W5 f
Five million voters choosing Hong Kong’s next leader will have a profound effect on the political culture of our city. It will empower the chief executive with a mandate not enjoyed by any leader in Hong Kong’s history. It will make the chief executive more accountable to the people of Hong Kong. It will be a fundamental qualitative, as well as quantitative, change. / Q! g6 o& L' y; |) R& E6 X' ]# H p+ n4 c. J; {- p, b
Another point ignored by some critics is how the nominating committee will be formed,or the way in which it will handle nomination procedures. 4 P9 j# z# L. q! oThis has not even been discussed yet. And no one can be certain who the 1,200 nominating committee members are until after their constituents have voted. . R5 L$ t7 a9 I3 g公仔箱論壇6 I0 m- K; p: H2 E$ I
I understand and respect the sincerity of most pan-democratic lawmakers in arguing strongly for their preferred reform model. But I hope that they also embrace this opportunity for 2017. Too much is at stake to walk away. It is time to take this big step forward. I believe this is what Hong Kongers want. $ ? O1 t; F' [! T; J( z4 P. l( xTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 0 c8 Y/ O& F$ q. i: D: m) ktvb now,tvbnow,bttvbtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb I* a9 u" m) ?2 X% n. J2 \ The writer is the chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region作者: mcr125 時間: 2014-9-10 05:30 PM
tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 J' O" p# `0 Q9 \& R- j2 a+ M" P' D1 L