, o$ ] w$ z+ `2 P* L) ytvb now,tvbnow,bttvb英國《金融時報》今日刊出,民主黨創黨主席李柱銘與香港2020召集人陳方安生,一篇題為「否定對香港白皮書的擔憂是錯誤」的文章(Quite wrong to dismiss apprehensions over HK White Paper),反駁早前剛為香港左報,及部分英國國會議員引用的一篇英國智庫文章。公仔箱論壇$ Q, P' k) g/ M& g6 x/ N: b: X
( h- u0 j9 X- T& ~8 k" V早前,英國皇家國際事務研究所研究員Tim Summers(夏添恩)撰文,以〈白皮書未有轉變香港政策〉(White Paper Does Not Mark Major Shift on Hong Kong)為題。該文其後獲本港親中共報章拿來大造文章,稱「英智庫力挺白皮書」。當時更有左報聲稱,該文章令當時正訪英的李陳二人,在英國下議院的香港民主聽證會,被殺個措手不及。 S3 u/ ~6 V; [/ t, p+ s公仔箱論壇5.39.217.76; |: A1 {: b3 S+ t
今日,李陳二人在文章中反駁夏添恩斷章取義,單憑一國兩制白皮書中文版中用上「治港者」一詞,便否定了「治港者」的實際意思是「行政者」(administrator),而這一點在白皮書中早已被明確點出。另一方面,白皮書指法官是「行政者」的一部分,又要求法官愛國,實際上已明顯違反了《中英聯合聲明》中,中英雙方答允保持香港三權分立的承諾。 # }% K; \& M8 ]9 lTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 + c0 y* e* c8 T4 \1 [& Ftvb now,tvbnow,bttvb因此,李陳二人認為,夏添恩的文章在立論開始已經全錯(fundamentally flawed)。白皮書中,明確地指出法官是「行政者」。1600名法律界人士「一國兩制白皮書」靜默遊行,亦是因這點而起。 % f6 S' g3 b& G7 F/ q最後,李陳二人表示,他們已得到英國皇家國際事務研究所的回覆,表示該文章只代表夏添恩的個人立場,並不代表該機構對白皮書的看法。 5 q$ u& _: c' I( h! L$ Ctvb now,tvbnow,bttvb b7 ~ Z0 k. G% Z3 M# }) h5.39.217.76然而,夏添恩的文章對香港的傷害早已造成,左報更不會代為澄清。李陳二人今日的回應,只能說是亡羊補牢而已。 $ p. D; @. n- L" Ntvb now,tvbnow,bttvb1 X/ w6 ~) B5 `4 D1 _1 C& R, i
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FT: Quite wrong to dismiss apprehensions over HK White Paper 3 |. z) T5 Q. H+ m' {. rTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 ) u2 X8 Z/ N+ q: Y4 jFrom Mrs Anson Chan and Mr Martin Lee QC. * H3 F# M8 S1 A: d* _公仔箱論壇 0 e2 r1 s$ }, i. Z( h5.39.217.76) X, g: x! T/ T; n
Sir, Tim Summers, in his letter “Beijing is just reiterating China’s stance on Hong Kong” (July 19), contends that concerns reflected in the Financial Times, in relation to the Chinese government’s recently published White Paper on the practice of “one country,two systems” in Hong Kong, are based on a misinterpretation of the original Chinese version of the White Paper. As two educated Chinese, we are quite capable of understanding the White Paper in both the English and Chinese languages, as are the majority of the 1,600 members of the local legal profession who marched in silent protest at the terms of the White Paper on June 27 2014. {& O4 H; n9 L0 B/ |: T$ d
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Dr Summers has placed great importance on the Chinese characters, zhì gang, which stand for administer or“administrate” as in the White Paper. These characters also appear in Deng Xiaoping’s promise of “Hong Kong people ruling (or administering) Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy” which is the over-arching policy embodied under“one country, two systems”. By the promise of “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong” we were assured that Beijing would not send their own people to administer Hong Kong. 8 }* _% N6 Y) O7 P/ xtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb& r' R( f1 N9 t* h
The White Paper states that “Hong Kong administrators” include “judges of the courts at different levels and other judicial personnel”, who have the responsibility of “safeguarding the country’s sovereignty, security and development interests”. This is in flagrant violation of the principle of separation of powers guaranteed under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Hong Kong’s constitution. / o- u# D6 W6 ^+ f" }- L5.39.217.76公仔箱論壇+ ~. a7 Y1 Y8 [
It also states that “Hong Kong’s administrators”, including judges, must be loyal to the country and subject to oversight by the central government which has “comprehensive jurisdiction” over the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). The White Paper thus clearly breaches the Joint Declaration which gives “a high degree of autonomy”to the HKSAR, “except in foreign and defence affairs”. # B: S4 U' \9 v6 z; V- l5.39.217.76TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。4 O# _/ N2 }# U8 \
Dr Summers’ letter is fundamentally flawed because his basic premise is that the White Paper does not describe judges as administrators. As set out above, the White Paper clearly describes judges and others as “Hong Kong’s administrators”. 3 l8 M# D% R, x% _' J0 ?4 |9 _ " A6 X5 N; P( t公仔箱論壇In short, he is quite wrong to dismiss the well-founded apprehension felt by Hong Kong people at both the tone and the wording of the White Paper. We note that he has advanced his views in his capacity as a Senior Consulting Fellow, Asia Programme, Chatham House, Hong Kong. We had the pleasure of addressing Chatham House on July 17; we were informed that Chatham House does not take an institutional position on the views expressed by individual commentators and that Dr Summers’ views reflec this own, personal assessment. 8 Y& S$ c- r+ _. e0 Q4 Z4 vTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。, B& B$ D; a+ ~# o/ p
8 R/ M" X9 s0 BAnson Chan (former head of the Hong Kong Civil Service); Martin Lee, Hong Kong 2020TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。2 D: y, |: u: D- ^, z7 }
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( V/ h9 n" P* S, I a' \3 Ytvb now,tvbnow,bttvb作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-7-29 10:54 PM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-7-29 11:02 PM 編輯 4 i+ p; p+ W7 S8 b2 y! l+ U T; d
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范析852│林鄭續談「袋住先」再呃港人 無視《基本法》人大兩大條文 % }3 {6 J; W+ S# a4 ]+ }TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 k4 ?' q2 ^7 k
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: n2 J$ B0 M; z/ _& T5.39.217.76 , i+ x1 L$ r X* D) @TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。WSJ: The Rules for Hong Kong Electoral Reform公仔箱論壇! o, Z2 {2 q5 \' A/ l
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From Carrie Lam3 c: e; x/ U: K8 h5 L( `! h
公仔箱論壇* i4 p$ J" \3 w+ E4 f The central government has lived up to its commitments to the territory's people. ) m- A# ^; Y; d; k# _! }- CJuly 27, 2014 5 o2 b; J( H9 Z5.39.217.76tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb0 V8 B5 F" K5 v/ u% g/ m/ F
: q5 Z0 f n$ t" t6 C) S( K# MHong Kong this month took the first step in the procedure for constitutional reform. On July 15, Chief Executive C.Y. Leung submitted a report to the National People's Congress Standing Committee(NPCSC), saying that there is a need to amend the electoral method for the 2017chief executive election with a view to attaining universal suffrage. This took into account the report of a five-month public consultation conducted by the Task Force on Constitutional Development that I chair. ; E5 O; U# D+ r2 r5.39.217.76+ W( D) V" X. l) o2 l8 f
Within a month or two, the NPCSC will inform the chief executive of its decision as to whether the Basic Law can be amended to implement universal suffrage in selecting the chief executive in 2017. We expect the NPCSC to give us the green light. On this basis, we plan to launch another public consultation on more specific suggestions with a view to forging a consensus for enabling legislation to be drafted and eventually put to legislators for a vote. # k; o. p' Q% f* t5 j! t8 O! ~tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb ! Z$ P' ?, N, ]3 z) F公仔箱論壇Looking ahead, I offer a few observations.First, it is worth noting that universal suffrage for the selection of the chief executive was not part of the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed in1984. The declaration refers to the selection of the chief executive by election or through consultations held locally. ; f: P: a1 P) ktvb now,tvbnow,bttvb - j5 y7 ~6 X; }+ A, s5.39.217.76It was only during the drafting of the Basic Law, promulgated in 1990, that the ultimate aim of selecting the chief executive by universal suffrage was included. In 1990, with Hong Kong still under British administration, there was not a single directly elected seat in the Hong Kong legislature. 6 V* X# T8 ]( X! _6 otvb now,tvbnow,bttvbtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb, `7 W8 d {- c; s
Since Hong Kong's return to China in 1997,almost every election of the chief executive and Legislative Council has been more democratic. In 2007, the NPCSC decided that the fifth-term chief executive in 2017 could be selected by universal suffrage and that after this milestone was reached, universal suffrage for legislative elections was also possible. It is clear by its actions that the central authorities in Beijing have lived up to its commitments in the Basic Law (which is a national law of China) and are sincerely committed to greater democracy in Hong Kong.& i5 J/ v) x9 V+ Y% {
. r1 ]! F. t; L) C, b& p5.39.217.76Second, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was established under the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. Article 12 of the Basic Law states that the Hong Kong shall be a local administrative region of the People's Republic with a high degree of autonomy and directly under the Central People's Government. As such, the central authorities retain the constitutional powers and responsibilities to determine Hong Kong's political system and its pace of development. / c& S3 \" E' l1 j' |* I8 f公仔箱論壇 : R3 x$ d2 e% x8 }0 LThe design of our political system, including universal suffrage, relates to the exercise of sovereignty by the state over Hong Kong as well as full implementation of the "One Country, Two Systems" framework. Amendments to the electoral method for selecting the chief executive must be passed by a two-thirds majority of the Legislative Council, receive the chief executive's consent and be approved by the NPCSC.Universal suffrage for the selection of the chief executive is not an internal matter for Hong Kong to decide on its own. It is a matter that relates closely to the relationship between the state and a local administration. : S3 p4 F' R4 [" e5 _: G- Itvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 9 W; V. {' f: D( L; r WThird, in handling democratic development matters, we must strictly follow the law. This is a core value of Hong Kong. tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb. Z( S* q$ R% |$ o% I) i
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Article 45 of the Basic Law states that"The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the selection of the chief executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures." 7 Y4 r+ U/ E2 B9 [0 u公仔箱論壇TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。8 X/ u, J; M; \
Legal experts, locally and in the mainland,have confirmed that the power of the nominating committee is substantive. It cannot be undermined, circumvented or "watered down" by other forms of nomination. Accordingly, the just-concluded public consultation solicited views on the size and composition of the nominating committee, the method for its formation, the procedures for its nomination of chief executive candidates,etc.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb' a f! J" H+ b0 K8 i: v7 _
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Fourth, any amendments to our electoral methods require a two-thirds majority in the Legislative Council. At the moment, no single party or affiliation of parties can deliver the 47 votes required in our 70-seat legislature. Therefore, some form of cross-party support will be necessary, and compromise will be an essential element of this.公仔箱論壇% F( a' w/ z/ i& M
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If our upcoming political package fails to muster the required votes in the legislature, then Hong Kong's democratic development will come to a standstill, as it did in 2005 when we missed an opportunity to change the electoral methods for the 2007 chief executive and 2008 Legislative Council elections. , T% |) G; V5 \5.39.217.763 [% m4 p' V/ d9 C \4 e& w
Such an outcome will seriously disappoint Hong Kong people and adversely affect government operations. We hope that our legislative councilors will display political courage and pragmatism to bring about change and provide our five million eligible voters with the opportunity to select the chief executive by one-person, one-vote in 2017. If change does not happen, then we have to retain the current system of selecting the chief executive through a 1,200-person Election Committee. In this regard the choice is very clear.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。, f8 }3 [3 \) J
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Fifth, let's cast an eye on the future. Many skeptics say or believe that the 2017 electoral arrangements are final. They have therefore adopted a "now or never" or "all or nothing"approach.公仔箱論壇; G) n; r% @0 R$ l7 k! Q6 B( ?0 \
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In line with the stated Basic Law principles of gradual and orderly progress, as well as taking stock of the actual situation in Hong Kong, it should be possible to further amend electoral arrangements in the future—for example, by improving broad representativeness of the nominating committee or the "democratic procedures" to nominate chief executive candidates for selection by universal suffrage.* h* V0 E" }$ a' J0 W4 [
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At this critical juncture in Hong Kong's history, cool heads, pragmatism and the spirit of compromise must prevail.Otherwise we won't be able to take the bold first step of universal suffrage that will advance Hong Kong's democratic development. I remain wholeheartedly committed to working with our legislature and the community to devise a system for the 2017 chief executive election that is legally sound, stands a reasonable chance of gaining public and Legislative Council support, and is practical, practicable and easy to understand./ X2 c9 ^$ i8 R& @' n) ]$ O+ @( P
+ n. ?. R0 a1 {- wtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb $ D0 [+ }7 }+ G( x* ^8 CTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Mrs. Lam is the chief secretary for administration of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. $ |8 b! w6 P; U1 } 2 X8 _6 G* I, h2 @% ~3 J