9 Z$ p( Q$ `% S5 N公仔箱論壇八十年代中共中央的對港政策，由第一代的鄧小平和葉劍英等主導、廖承志等協助制訂；第二代的胡耀邦、趙紫陽等，大力支持「一國兩制」構想。預定中的香港「高度自治」，空間較寬。 + m. Q& q: M/ o) r f( e0 }* W& t' C9 a! M* _& b* R( C s5 U9 a
八九學潮後政局左轉，1997至2002年香港特區第一個五年，面對江朝大批自由化、宣揚敵對勢力論和「問姓資還是姓社」，香港受管控偏緊。2002至2012年胡溫新政，管控略鬆，第23條立法和國教有「煞車」之舉。中共十八大後，政局向左大轉彎，在強化全權主義和再神化毛澤東之下，香港自治缺乏寬鬆的政治氣候。5.39.217.76& C' t) ]" W f( r2 R+ y3 m
: \% [# H/ B; G* T3 ^TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。一些退休、在任的京官，常有教訓港人的「愛國調」。「主旋律」是宣傳外部勢力論（敵對勢力論），教訓港人應擁護或熱愛社會主義制度。 0 o7 X2 ?$ f8 \ + h* a9 T: R: h6 b+ ttvb now,tvbnow,bttvb一位退休的正部級高官稱，居住香港者（指華人）有義務「維護國家社會主義制度」（http://www2.hkej.com/instantnews/hongkong/article/358033），「不能破壞社會主義制度」。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) P* e' I' X5 j* r V2 z( l
! U, G9 j. H! r, u( jtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb這是有「僭建物」的「愛國調」。《基本法》並無規定香港居民有維護社會主義制度的「義務」，《基本法》第5條規定，香港「不實行社會主義制度和政策，保持原來的資本主義制度和生活方式」。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。) l0 ?- K. h U) y+ J3 ~! L" E
7 ?, m8 |" |" r! o0 j( L5.39.217.76據上述的大家長講話，連治港者亦「不要求他們都贊成中國的社會主義制度」，在港的居民還有什麼維護、熱愛社會主義制度的義務？ / u9 }$ \' C2 B2 H$ }' ATVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。& g& k. B8 w! P1 _9 D$ }0 T9 u! N7 z
許多港人不認同社會主義制度，留戀香港的資本主義制度特別是自由，不等於會「破壞社會主義制度」。他們為了「撲奶粉」和爭幼兒園學額，早已精疲力盡，亟需休養生息，哪有餘力和野心「破壞社會主義制度」？: ~$ z. C1 d4 K6 c3 V1 _* C- v
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馬克思的《政治經濟學批判》，稱社會制度是經濟基礎的上層建築。據八二憲法，社會主義制度包含人民民主專政（即無產階級專政，執政黨稱代表無產階級），實行公有制，堅持四項原則。香港居民有能量「破壞」這些上層建築嗎？/ o* V$ Z+ u; l3 o
/ ]$ u! J4 k) a% Y公仔箱論壇僭建物大增 自治空間縮tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb6 V. ^3 \: D+ _
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港澳的《基本法》規定，港澳的制度和政策以《基本法》規定為依據，八二憲法並未在港澳實施。在港澳地區，居民對不在本地實施的大陸法律沒有法律義務；港澳的《基本法》分別在第42、44條規定，居民有遵守在港或在澳實施的法律之義務。3 V# E! m' {8 K
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部長級官員尚且脫離《基本法》唱「愛國調」，香港政治花瓶（北京政界流傳此說：黨代表、人大代表、政協委員分別是一、二、三等花瓶，權力含金量近乎零），說愛國的「隨意性」就更大了。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb5 i% Y% ^4 @ g: a1 z
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 ]4 J! q1 X `% H
有「人大代表」稱「憲法適用於香港」（http://www.celebritiespress.com.hk/01130404.htm），有人說港人應嚴格遵守憲法、熱愛社會主義制度。此說違背了《基本法》。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb; j0 T8 c7 X9 B% ?9 i( v3 l
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從大家長和胡耀邦說「愛國者」、三十年的變化來看，關於「愛國者」概念，可歸納為三個特點。一是八十年代前期，中共中央對「愛國者」的門檻定得較低，「政治要求」較寬；二是受「政治要求」約束的範圍較小，僅限於「治港主體」即主要官員；三是沒有《中英聯合聲明》（1984）之外的「僭建物」。現在，附加的「政治要求」增多，管控範圍擴大，僭建物亦甚多。 2 t% W4 Y6 A" E* utvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# n+ ^) f7 l' ?( w, b6 ]; a
1 U8 v0 H. U( M" V( X8 e. @, C公仔箱論壇作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-6-19 06:42 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-6-19 06:45 AM 編輯 7 T' u/ R* q1 X5 T6 b5 O公仔箱論壇4 `* }- w! r4 @0 f* L
The Economist: Hong Kong's politics 2 T: a5 v7 m0 W7 d# J) I5 m5.39.217.76No paper tiger 7 K% k+ |2 E, a3 |5.39.217.765.39.217.76% }1 ^ [0 \/ E3 t. l. p
PEOPLE in Hong Kong have responded with alarm, and some defiance, to a white paper issued by China's leaders about the city’s political future. In rallies outside Beijing’s representative office in Hong Kong on June 11th, politicians and protesters burned copies of the reportand accused officials of treating the city’s constitution “like toilet paper”.$ Q9 p' z; |: V1 B, p! q7 C
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Legislators accused Beijing of reneging onits treaty obligations under the 1984 Sino-British declaration, signed between Margaret Thatcher and Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang, to make Hong Kong a semi-autonomous region of China. The agreement said Hong Kong would enjoy a high degree of autonomy and maintain its capitalist system for a period of 50years until 2047; and many of the city’s social and political freedoms (such as being able to protest against the Communist Party) have indeed been retained. ) [( D: n# j3 | 1 `! h& m# S) Ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvbBut the white paper stressed that Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy “is not full autonomy” and the city’s ability to run its local affairs comes solely from the authorisation of the central leadership. It also says that Hong Kong residents hold “too many wrong views”with regard to the "one country, two systems" principle that governs the territory's relationship with Beijing. The white paper’s suggestion to“above all be patriotic” has grated with many who object to equating patriotism with support for the Communist Party. The report also provoked the ire of the city’s judiciary for suggesting that judges have a "basic political requirement" to love the country. The Hong Kong Bar Association hit back with a statement warning that imposing political tests on judges would undermine Hong Kong’s rule of law.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。9 U* u P- I" }5 L( {# O J4 O
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Some protesters see a silver lining. Coming days after tens of thousands of people held a candlelit vigil to commemorate the 25thanniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre in Beijing and weeks before an annual pro-democracy march on July 1st, many observers say the white paper may prompt bickering local politicians to work together and motivate the public to participate in pro-democracy demonstrations. “We should thank Beijing for adding fuel to the fire,” said Benny Tai, one of the leaders of Occupy Central, a protest group. It has threatened to rally thousands of protesters to paralyse the city’s financial centre if the electoral proposal that the Hong Kong government is scheduled to release by the end of the year does not meet international standards. On June 22nd Occupy Central will hold an informal city-wide referendum asking citizens to vote for their preferred type of electoral reform. 1 {' L: X. f4 B8 e公仔箱論壇TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。' R5 x6 ~' B$ @- X# Z9 A- }9 u* m
The chief executive of Hong Kong (a city of7m people) is currently picked by a committee of 1,200 people. The Chinese government has promised to allow the selection of Hong Kong’s next leader, in2017, through universal suffrage, but insists it has no obligation to allow an open nominating process. Many in Hong Kong believe that limits will be imposed on who is able to stand. 1 g$ p& G/ |! {# R公仔箱論壇 6 E2 f. s" F3 H4 A1 o) |公仔箱論壇The bluntness of the Chinese government report has led some to suspect that leaders in Beijing are deliberately provoking dissent in order to justify a crackdown. Zhou Nan, a former head of the party’s liaison office in Hong Kong, has called the Occupy Central movement “illegal” and said the People's Liberation Army could intervene if the planned protests escalated into riots. Foreign communities in the territory have also expressed concern, with some chambers of commerce taking out adverts in local Hong Kong newspapers urging the Occupy Central protesters to back down. That seems unlikely, and the city looks set for along, hot summer of political dispute and angry protest. 4 @6 b+ y9 w4 G. I* Z# {' A" T5.39.217.76 9 z5 S8 a( q! @# o' S) M# yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。5.39.217.764 V. I9 @6 k# ^% f! k0 m d 作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-6-19 06:45 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-6-19 06:52 AM 編輯 . ~' ^: I* V; x R$ [公仔箱論壇5.39.217.76" v. |5 s* ]8 P# f2 N/ V8 x
With white paper, Beijing may have achieved the opposite of what it wants – MC Davis 5 k! X9 n9 i5 I/ |tvb now,tvbnow,bttvbSouth China Morning Post, Monday, 16 June,2014tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb4 K+ x$ m$ ?* l8 ]1 W
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3 p$ }2 M! X2 b2 p; wtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbMichael C. Davis says not only does the white paper raise doubts about Beijing's commitment to the rule of law, but its tough stance has also inflamed, not frightened,Hong Kong protesters $ ^9 e( j# m, B! f" w5.39.217.76 5 d1 j, S( f) U* K$ s+ P* Y. s" qtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb , B$ m0 h1 p+ e8 I8 q' K# Z6 Otvb now,tvbnow,bttvbWhat is the purpose of Beijing's white paper on Hong Kong? Some argue that it is issuing a warning to unruly protesters.Others assert that this is nothing more than a progress report on "one country, two systems".公仔箱論壇9 b& q: a0 b9 W* e; m
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A careful reading of the text suggests,rather, an overriding purpose to say forcefully that Beijing is in charge. What will this mean for Hong Kong's rule of law?5.39.217.76; L" ]# V5 U$ c, b; V- b; D7 A2 |; s7 K
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Most striking in the report is the dramatic change of tone from 30 years earlier. When the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, Hong Kong people were told to put their hearts at ease.There would be "one country, two systems", Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong, a high degree of autonomy and no change for 50 years.公仔箱論壇. b# A! M( h) Y, B) d
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The legislature was to be chosen by elections and the chief executive by elections or consultations. The common law was to be maintained and the courts were to be independent and final. These requirements were stipulated to be included in the Basic Law.% @& y$ |% c* [& l1 i$ r
' ~* o( J' ]; b! f7 t% t5.39.217.76This agreement and eventually the Basic Law were taken to the capitals of the world where foreign governments were asked to rely on this guarantee of Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy in treating Hong Kong distinctively. ' R, y- _0 Q$ G5 vTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。; E# @, H* s0 t* e' p
Now we are confronted with a white paper on Hong Kong, which, after repeating the above guarantees, tells us in no uncertain terms that Beijing is the ultimate authority, that "one country" is way more important than "two systems" and that foreign governments are to keep their noses out of Hong Kong affairs. 1 ?" T0 L" T# y4 a - H* |4 l" M/ ?/ U5.39.217.76We are told the National People's Congress Standing Committee can interpret and amend the Basic Law as it chooses. In words reminiscent of Communist legality, the Standing Committee is even said to have "the power of supervision over the laws formulated by the legislative organs of the HKSAR". Beijing adds to this the rather threatening reminder of its power to declare a "state of emergency". A possible saving grace is the questionable legal impact of a white paper. ' o6 d4 \6 ~$ k$ I) [' dTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。5.39.217.76 K( x6 o9 f) T0 e9 v/ [
Can you have the rule of law under a government with unlimited power? Is not Beijing's power limited by the Sino-British declaration and the Basic Law?: u, y' @. h& n+ D" a1 w# o
' k4 M. \. X) E. r3 N5 R. B9 T& ~TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Part I of the white paper plays down the solemn international legal commitments that underlie the Basic Law. The 12articles of the joint declaration are introduced as "12 principles"that the Chinese government formulated before the joint declaration. The whitepaper acknowledges their eventual incorporation in the joint declaration but identifies them only as Chinese policies and not solemn international legal commitments. It thereby argues that the Basic Law and its interpretation is purely a domestic matter, allowing the central government the widest discretion in interpretation and amendment.1 I9 A& o% K# k) q" X7 I$ ~* n/ _
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 w( q# `, B1 Y0 G9 d: Y
Some have argued that much of the content of the white paper had been interpreted or proclaimed before, that there is nothing new to worry about. For example, some would argue that the 1999interpretation in the right of abode case already confirmed the ultimate power of the Standing Committee to issue binding interpretations. Restraint in exercising this power in the years since has, to some extent, mollified public concern over this potential interference with Hong Kong's legal system. The white paper's robust reassertion of the central government's absolute power over Hong Kong and Basic Law interpretation will surely again raise doubts about the rule of law and Hong Kong's autonomy. & L# o# n* }2 y% I: f5.39.217.76 " y2 Z3 k; H F" YThe current debate over universal suffrage will test Beijing's commitment to the Basic Law. Will the next election of the chief executive deny the public a genuine choice? The white paper says very little on this topic, except at one point it characterises the current make-up of the Election Committee as "an expression of equal participation and broad representativeness". This challenges the widely held Hong Kong view that the Election Committee is not broadly representative and fails to provide equal participation.5.39.217.76% A) M }3 B/ J4 L) \
0 R) J6 {: ~+ R3 ^Does this language signal an unrepresentative nominating committee? Could this be combined with a high nomination threshold to screen out pan-democrats?公仔箱論壇4 N* ?. b! S; M: n3 S8 }
Q+ C# _+ A. w0 G# c" S, e0 Gtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThe white paper raises doubts about the central government's commitment to the rule of law. Casting the Standing Committee as the primary guardian of the rule of law is not very reassuring.Proclaiming at the same time the Standing Committee's wide discretion to interpret and amend the Basic Law as it chooses poses a profound contradiction.5.39.217.766 e; D5 ]/ F5 H3 T6 @
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As noted by the Bar Association, the whitepaper's lumping of judges under the administrative branch of the Hong Kong government shows little appreciation of the independence of the judiciary. Expecting judges to be patriots, guarding national security, surely undervalues the calling of judges in the common law tradition as independent guardians of the rule of law. y$ N8 Y0 L, @9 a: Ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvbTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 Z; {- Z9 @& s9 s) ]- h3 ?/ n
It also ignores the fact that many of our judges are foreigners. Sufficient loyalty to constitutional requirements is generally thought to be adequately secured by the statutory oath of office. 2 ^* x( r' d. m9 J+ _- U7 A' l4 Otvb now,tvbnow,bttvbTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# w% u) M& o* E. g; W& {4 [
Will Beijing succeed at sending a signal of disapproval to the allegedly unruly Hong Kong protesters? If this is the intent, then Beijing has clearly taken the wrong step. Emphasising that the central government is boss and holds all the power will only inflame Hong Kong resistance.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# p9 C$ k6 ]/ u$ u
In a system where the rule of law prevails and official discretion is limited, resort to constitutional guarantees will be the primary mode of checks on poor government policies. If official discretion is broad, democratic institutions are non-existent and constitutional limits unreliable, the resort to political protest and even civil disobedience may be the only avenues for change. D. s! U, c& z% j1 Z1 Ztvb now,tvbnow,bttvb5.39.217.76/ R! Q+ m5 J, J: f5 {- b
The most effective way for Beijing to calm resistance is to assert less control, not more. The way to damp down protest is to uphold the solemn promises of the Basic Law and Hong Kong's autonomy, respect the city's tradition of the rule of law and implement genuine universal suffrage.公仔箱論壇5 ] ^( m4 F# I5 d o$ m
公仔箱論壇 t1 {. E8 ^" N9 \$ }! e( ] Professor Michael C. Davis, of the University of Hong Kong, specialises in constitutional law and human rights 4 r0 g, R9 V, v" D9 j3 G, B; B( R- \1 h$ o9 E
