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標題: [時事討論] 哈維爾與金正日的鮮明對比 筆鋒 [打印本頁]

作者: felicity2010    時間: 2011-12-23 08:02 AM     標題: 哈維爾與金正日的鮮明對比 筆鋒

哈維爾與金正日的鮮明對比  筆鋒
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經由切身經驗,哈維爾深深體會捷共的專制黨官僚體制使捷克成了說謊、欺騙、相互剝削的疏離敗德社會,人性被嚴重扭曲,因此後捷共時代的社會最需要的乃是人性的復歸與人權的重建。
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& s8 x' ^. ]" L7 w公仔箱論壇連續兩天,世界上兩位重要人物先後謝世,一個是捷克前總統哈維爾,另一個是朝鮮(北韓)領導人金正日,他們兩人形成鮮明對比。
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  ]& v, X& U1 b8 ?- dTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。在捷克時代,哈維爾乃是著名劇作家和戲劇導演,由於關切自由的問題,他遂一步步變為人權運動者。一九七七年,他和當時的主要異議思想家和知識分子共同發起七七憲章運動,鼓吹民主人權。捷克的人權運動和波蘭團結運動乃是東歐自由化的兩大支柱。捷克自由化後,哈維爾先被推舉為捷克與斯洛伐克的聯邦總統,而後捷克與斯洛伐克分離,他經由普選而成為捷克總統,於二零零三年任滿離職。
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5 t* w' e7 U+ E6 y! @" U! vtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb哈維爾真正的傑出乃是在總統任上,他經由自己切身的經驗,深深體會到捷共的專制黨官僚體制已使捷克成了說謊、欺騙、人們相互剝削的疏離敗德社會,人性已被嚴重扭曲,因此後捷共時代的社會最需要的乃是人性的復歸與人權的重建。在後共黨時代,出身團結工會主席的波蘭總統華勒沙與出身人權運動領袖也當了總統的哈維爾,他們在總統任內即表現很不同。華勒沙喜歡搞權術,有時甚至用政敵在共黨時代的黑資料鬥爭政敵,後來團結工會的精英人物逐漸離他而去,他成了一個很有爭議性的人物;而哈維爾則不然,他重視人權法治,沒有權力慾望,認為道德的重建高於一切,人權才是治國的根本。在他任內即不追求豐功偉績,而以國家精神的重建為目標。終他一生都保持良心知識分子的特色,親切近人,以人格取勝,這是一個領導人最高的政績。捷克在東歐相對最為穩定,道德與人權的自覺度也高,這都是拜哈維爾之賜。哈維爾公餘即到各地演說,題目都與人權道德有關,他的最大貢獻乃是替他的國家洗滌時代的心靈污垢,有像他這樣的領導人是捷克人民的福氣。
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8 s7 i% j. K# C. U9 f: b至於朝鮮領導人金正日,只要一提到他,世上絕大多數人都有夫復何言之歎。論國情,朝鮮乃是近代極為坎坷殘破的國家。它曾遭到日本嚴酷的殖民統治,因此成就了金家第一代金日成傳奇抗日游擊英雄的名聲,但戰後兩個世界的對立,卻阻斷了韓國統一之夢。韓戰及冷戰對峙的經驗使朝鮮產生嚴重的被迫害妄想,自我合理化了它的專制極權及領袖個人崇拜的政治風格。近代稱朝鮮為「隱士之國」,這不是說朝鮮多隱士,而是指朝鮮的極端鎖國主義。朝鮮完全不理會世界的變化,兀自在搞領袖個人崇拜,及祖傳子、子傳孫的家天下政治。這種型態的國家全球只剩朝鮮。由於極端排外鎖國,它產生了類似義和團式的愛國主義,強調土法煉鋼式的自立自強和犧牲精神,這種極端化的意志主義使它故步自封,無法作出任何改變。9 \4 p3 e; x  b, d4 B5 ^0 h

) r, B9 ~5 q- v$ _' K& Y8 l5.39.217.76於是世人遂看到兩韓差距越拉越遠,南韓這一邊,李承晚、朴正熙雖然和金日成同樣政治專制,但李、朴追求發展,這種開放發展及後來的民主化與自由化,使得南韓徹底脫胎換骨。今天的南韓貿易已和亞洲最富的日本、最強的中國並駕齊驅,為全球的科技產業大國。南韓的人均GDP為三萬一千七百五十三美元,為全球前段班的第二十六名;朝鮮僅一千九百美元,為末段班的第一百五十四名,這對鬩牆的兄弟已成了兩種世界。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。9 ~1 x* ]0 Q. x
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朝鮮在一九九四年金日成死後,由其子金正日繼承。金正日獨裁程度較金日成更甚,而且他生活奢靡。由於鎖國好戰,他已使朝鮮成了裝備低劣、但卻兵員一百二十萬的軍事大國;南韓僅六十餘萬兵員。金正日掌權期間,朝鮮發動過多次恐怖攻擊,如八三年在緬甸搞過炸彈攻擊,八七年搞過大韓航空班機爆炸。最受世人指責的是九零年代末,朝鮮水患,饑荒嚴重,死亡人數逾百萬,金正日無動於衷,在此時發展核武及遠程飛彈。零六到零九年間,朝鮮兩次核試及試射飛彈令東北亞為之不安。近年朝鮮又對南韓作過多次海上與陸上攻擊,朝鮮成了亞洲最大的麻煩之源。事實上朝鮮並沒有真正製造麻煩的實力,它只是利用它的戰略地位,在玩弄著走鋼索的邊緣政治,靠這種挑釁自我滿足,證明朝鮮的存在與重要性,其實全世界皆已被它搞得非常疲倦。
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國家領導人的天職,是要竭盡所能增益人民福祉,靠人民福祉的增加而形成團結心與愛國心。但朝鮮相反,它不考慮民生,只搞獨裁專制,希望利用在國際上招惹是非的操作,製造出愛國氣氛。這種操作模式還能維持多久,真的不容樂觀。而今金正日已死,由孫世代的金正恩接班,這個年輕的第三代有能力挽救這個搖搖欲墜的國家嗎?金正日活著時,世人不放心,他死後世人還是不敢放心,怕朝鮮會鋌而走險,更怕它產生動亂,讓世人受害。當一個國家的存在變成世人擔驚受怕的來源,這並非朝鮮的驕傲,而是朝鮮的恥辱!
作者: felicity2010    時間: 2011-12-23 08:03 AM

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-12-23 08:09 AM 編輯
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5 x3 U$ t% Y: u4 [6 ctvb now,tvbnow,bttvbPolitics and Theatre  Vaclav Havel
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In March 1997, while serving as President of the Czech Republic, Václav Havel – who died on December 18th -- offered the following assessment of the intersection of politics and playwriting in his life.
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PRAGUE – I recently read an article entitled “Politics as Theatre,” a critique of all that I have tried to do in politics. It argued that in politics, there is no place for a realm as superfluous as theatre. To be sure, in the early months of my presidency, some of my ideas demonstrated more theatrical flair than political foresight. But the author erred in one fundamental issue: he misunderstood both the meaning of theatre and a crucial dimension of politics.
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Aristotle once wrote that every drama or tragedy requires a beginning, a middle, and an end, with antecedent following precedent. The world, experienced as a structured environment, includes Aristotle’s inherent dramatic dimension,and theatre is an expression of our desire for a concise way of grasping this essential element. A play of no more than two hours always presents, or is meant to present, a picture of the world and an attempt to say something about it.

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9 l5 P% n/ M$ n9 y& J% QOne definition of politics holds that it is the conduct, concern for, and administration of public affairs. Obviously, concern for public affairs means concern for humanity and the world, which requires a recognition of humanity’s self-awareness in the world. I do not see how a politician can achieve this without recognizing drama as an inherent aspect of the world as seen by human beings, and thus as a fundamental tool of human communication.
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Politics without a beginning, a middle, and an end, without exposition and catharsis, without gradation and suggestiveness, without the transcendence that develops a real drama, with real people, into a testimony about the world is,in my opinion, a neutered, one-legged, toothless politics.
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I am not always successful in practicing what I preach, but I work for a politics that knows that it matters what comes first and what follows, a politics that acknowledges that all things have a proper sequence and order.Above all, it is a politics that realizes that citizens – without theorizing,as I am now – know perfectly well whether political actions have direction,structure, a logic in time and space, or whether they lack these qualities and are merely haphazard responses to circumstances.
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  P1 m$ ~& d7 T' D, n5.39.217.76On a limited stage, within limited time, and with limited figures or props,theatre says something about the world, about history, about human existence.It explores the world in order to influence it. Theatre is always both symbol and abbreviation. In theatre, the wealth and complexity of being are compressed into a simplified code that attempts to extract what is most essential from the substance of the universe and to convey this to its audience. This, in fact, is what thinking creatures do every day. Theatre is simply one of the many ways of expressing the human ability to generalize and comprehend the invisible order of things.
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Theatre, too, possesses a special ability to allude to and convey multiple meanings. Action shown on stage always radiates a broader message, without necessarily being expressed in words. It is a fragment of life organized in away meant to say something about life as a whole. The collective nature of a theatrical experience is no less important: theatre always presupposes the presence of a community – actors and audience – who experience it together.
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. X/ I! l# r- M- q3 gTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。All these qualities have counterparts in politics. A friend once said that politics is “the sum of all things concentrated.” It encompasses law,economics, philosophy, and psychology. Inevitably, politics is theatre as well– theatre as a system of symbols addressing us as a whole, as individuals, and as members of a community, and testifying through the specific event in which it is embodied, to the great happenings of life and the world, enhancing our imagination and sensibilities. I cannot imagine a successful politics without an awareness of these things.
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The symbols that politics employs are by nature theatrical. National anthems, flags, decorations, holidays, do not mean much of themselves, but the meanings that they evoke are instruments of a society’s self-understanding,tools for creating awareness of social identity and continuity. Politics is also charged with symbols in other, less visible respects. When Germany's President came to Prague, shortly after our Velvet Revolution, on March 15, 1990 (the 51st anniversary of the Nazi occupation of the Czechlands), he did not have to say much, because the fact of his visit on such a day spoke volumes. It was equally auspicious when the French president and British prime minister arrived on an anniversary of the Munich Agreement.

* \7 R+ y& g% p' @, V/ Ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvbSymbolic political acts resemble theatre. They, too, involve allusion,multiplicity of meaning, and suggestiveness. They, too, portray an abridged reality, making an essential connection without being explicit. And they, too, have a universally accepted ritual framework that stands the test of time.
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9 R8 p! k6 B# L5 `$ J0 H; sEven doubters cannot deny one aspect of theatricality in politics: the dependence of politics on media. Many politicians would be helpless without coaches to teach them the techniques of performing in front of a camera. All politicians, including those who sneer at theatre as superfluous, something that has no place in politics, unwittingly become actors, dramatists,directors, or entertainers.
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/ Q# ]; z& M* O* t( E( p) Q1 Btvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThe significant role that a theatrical sensibility plays in politics is two-edged. Those possessing it can arouse society to great deeds and nurture democratic culture, civic courage, and a sense of responsibility. Such people can also mobilize the worst instincts and passions, make masses fanatical, and lead societies into hell. Recall the gigantic Nazi congresses, torchlight processions, the inflammatory speeches by Hitler and Goebbels, and the cult of German mythology. We could hardly find a more monstrous abuse of politics’ theatrical aspect. And today – even in Europe – rulers use theatrical tools to arouse the kind of blind nationalism that leads to war,ethnic cleansing, concentration camps, and genocide.

" [0 x6 Y; h. j( w' J& l- mSo where is the boundary between legitimate respect for national identity and symbols, and the devilish music of pied pipers, dark magicians, and mesmerizers? Where do passionate speeches end and demagogy begin? How can we recognize the point beyond which expression of the need for collective experience and integrating rituals becomes evil manipulation and an assault on human freedom?公仔箱論壇) D/ U' D- R3 G" _3 g6 q- O3 C' o

) n% D' \1 b* T, o& Y2 x; [5.39.217.76Here is where we see the huge difference between theatre as art and the theatrical dimension of politics. A mad theatrical performance by a group of fanatics is part of cultural pluralism, and, as such, helps to expand the realm of freedom without posing a threat to anyone. A mad performance by a fanatical politician can plunge millions into endless calamity.

: A: u5 ~- J7 H& s0 i& Ttvb now,tvbnow,bttvbSo the drama of politics demands not an audience, but a world of players. Ina theatre, our consciences are touched, but responsibility ends when the curtain falls. The theatre of politics makes permanent demands on us all, as dramatists, actors, and audience – on our common sense, our moderation, our responsibility, our good taste, and our conscience.公仔箱論壇! V: L% c5 b- Y, `. U

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- k1 X" x) g- OVáclav Havel was President of the
Czech Republic(1993-2003), the last President of Czechoslovakia(1989-1993), and the author of 21 plays, including Largo Desolato and The Garden Party, and the essays The Power of the Powerless, Living in Truth,and The Art of the Impossible.

作者: mcr125    時間: 2011-12-23 09:16 AM

估计金家王朝也站不到多久,因为没有经济的支撑,完全靠精神意志,应该学学中国这样子把经济搞上去,然后愚民嘛,呵呵!




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