本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2015-1-7 12:29 PM 編輯
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; ^, P% C' K* Q2 [5 C8 U' | O9 ]tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb阿海:《歷史資本主義》 tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 W9 M+ [. P6 Y3 x5 a% r
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Immanuel Wallerstein （就是在政治經濟學和國際關係裡非常著名的「世界體系理論」的創始人）的小書 "Historical Capitalism" 之前在日本旅行時讀完，書雖小，但理論卻非常宏大。 Wallerstein 雖然深受馬克思的政治經濟學影響，但他的學說對傳統的左翼理論作出了很多修正，例如他認為過往所發生過的社會主義革命／反體制運動都只左右了國際間的權力平衡，並沒有脫離資本主義這個歷史體系，甚至反而加固了資本主義。我把較重要的修正抄下來，嫌太長的可以根據中文詮腳選段來讀。
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3 s: k$ Z" x) }& B$ Btvb now,tvbnow,bttvb（一）帝國主義對於帝國主義擴張的解釋， Wallerstein 認為一般的說法「過剩商品需要尋找新市場」並不合乎事實，較恰當的解釋是資本家需要開發更廉價的勞動力︰
8 }- b* s9 Z8 R6 @/ z \% e0 hAreas external to historical capitalism have on the whole been reluctant purchasers of its products, in part because they didn't 'need' them in terms of their own economic system and in part because they often lacked the relevant wherewithal to purchase them. To be sure there were exceptions. But by and large it was the capitalist world that sought out the products of the external arena and not the other way around. Whenever particular loci were militarily conquered, capitalist entrepreneurs regularly complained of the absence of real markets there and operated through colonial governments to 'create tastes'.5.39.217.76% v. j8 c8 d) e8 ^
The search for markets as an explanation simply does not hold. A much more plausible explanation is the search for low-cost labour forces. It is historically the case that virtually every new zone incorporated into the world-economy established levels of real remuneration which were at the bottom of the world-system's hierarchy of wage-levels.
2 z |; l: Q( j" e （二）資本主義革命對於由封建主義到資本主義的過渡， Wallerstein 認為是同一個統治階級的內鬥和自我轉型，而並非一個新階級推翻舊階級的過程︰公仔箱論壇, p% K) I' p$ L4 H) V
The economic arena of feudal Europe was going through a very fundamental, internally generated, crisis in this period that was shaking its social foundations. Its ruling classes were destroying each other at a great rate, while its land-system (the basis of its economic structure) was coming loose, with considerable reorganization moving in the direction of a far more egalitarian distribution than had been the norm. [...] Things were indeed falling apart. Had Europe continued on the path along which it was going, it is difficult to believe that the patterns of medieval feudal Europe with its highly structured system of 'orders' could have been reconsolidated. Far more probable is that the European feudal social structure would have evolved towards a system of relatively equal small-scale producers, further flattening out the aristocracies and decentralizing the political structures.
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... But it is clear that the prospect must have appalled Europe's upper strata --- appalled and frightened them, especially as they felt their ideological armour was disintegrating too. Without suggesting that anyone consciously verbalized any such attempt, we can see by comparing the Europe of 1650 with 1450 that the following things had occurred. By 1650, the basic structures of historical capitalism as a viable social system had been established and consolidated. The trend towards egalitarianization of reward had been drastically reversed. The upper strata were once again in firm control politically and ideologically. There was a reasonably high level of continuity between the families that had been high strata in 1450 and those that were high strata in 1650.公仔箱論壇. v% m% W/ ?% g
讀者應該會留意到 Wallerstein 比馬克思主義者更強調政治力量的角色，他認為技術的發展並非資本主義的原因而是其結果，是資本主義為發展科技帶來誘因，因為新發明意味著可以獨市的新商品。5.39.217.765 x% z3 L, Z3 P X
Wallerstein 也談到資本家的內鬥會以「民主」、「自由」等口號包裝，甚至以「革命」形式呈現︰TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。9 ^- x! z6 r1 R- e
Sometimes, however, they have been over larger 'constitutional' issues which determine the rules governing the conduct of shorter-run struggles, and thus the likelihood of one fraction or another prevailing. Whenever these struggles were 'constitutional' in nature, they required greater ideological mobilization. In these cases, we heard talk of 'revolutions' and 'great reforms' and the losing sides were often given opprobrious (but analytically inappropriate) labels. To the extent that the political struggles for, say, 'democracy' or 'liberty' against 'feudalism' or 'traditon' have not been struggles of the working classes against capitalism, they have been essentially struggles among the accumulators of capital for the accumulation of capital. Such struggles were not the triumph of a 'progressive' bourgeoisie against reactionary strata but intro-bourgeois struggles.公仔箱論壇% U+ W5 X+ s2 W! c% M
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。& |* K3 ]5 `# s0 D# e% \
Of course, using 'universalizing' ideological slogans about progress has been politically useful. It has been a way of associating class struggle mobilization to one side of intra-accumulator struggles. But such ideological advantage has often been a double-edged sword, unleashing passions and weakening repressive restraints in the class struggle.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb! `! b0 O- f7 t0 O( q- Q+ i9 l+ U
（三）社會主義革命他也解釋了在資本主義世界中革命造反為何比在先前的歷史階段更困難︰
* o0 O7 \$ j% N+ w4 ^6 w; l, U公仔箱論壇...generally speaking, rebellion as a technique has worked only at the margins of central authority, particularly when central bureaucracies were in phases of disintegration.2 l5 Q b& K/ x% K: k1 ?$ Y
The fact that states were located in an interstate system meant that the repercussions of rebellions or uprisings were felt, often quite rapidly, beyond the confines of the immediate political jurisdiction within which they occurred. So-called 'outside' forces therefore had strong motives to come to the aid of assailed state-machineries. This made rebellions more difficult. On the other hand, the intrusion of the accumulators of capital, and hence of state-machineries, into the daily life of the work-forces was far more intensive in general under historical capitalism than under previous historical systems.
* j& ?# G( B) R' W% c. Otvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 過往的反體制運動，無論是左翼的工人運動，還是右翼的民族運動，都脫離不了一個基本策略，就是奪取國家櫂力。然而， Wallerstein 認為這種策略不可能達到反體制的目的，而只會令後革命的國家再一次落入世界體系的資本主義分工上︰
& C# w0 [% U& x% b6 htvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThe key to the problem may in fact lie in the basic strategic decision to make the seizure of state power the pivot of the movement's activities. The strategy had two fundamental consequences. In the phase of mobilization, it pushed each movement towards entering into tactical alliances with groups that were in no way 'anti-systemic' in order to reach its strategic objective. These alliances modified the structure of the anti systemic movements themselves, even in the mobilization stage. Even more importantly, the strategy eventually succeeded in many cases. Many of the movements achieved partial or even total state power. These successful movements were then confronted with the realities of the limitations of state power within the capitalist world-economy. They found that they were constrained by the functioning of the interstate system to exercise their power in ways that muted the 'anti-systemic' objectives that were their raison d'etre.
/ Z3 T% \* _0 P1 {4 a0 n公仔箱論壇 「革命黨」奪取國家權力，在整個資本主義體系下，代表的是一場改革，而非革命︰
" f2 P8 D7 x1 ZTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。This seems so obvious that one must then wonder why the movements based their strategy on such a seemingly self-defeating objective. The answer was quite simple: given the political structure of historical capitalism, they had little choice. There seemed to be no more promising alternative strategy. The seizure of state power at least promised to change the balance of power between contending groups somewhat. This is to say, the seizure of power represented a reform of the system. The reforms in fact did improve the situation, but always at the price of also strengthening the system.
1 ]& ]2 T' F" j6 T8 r" b& h* t* BTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 又因為所謂的後革命國家無一倖免都跳不出歷史資本主義的體系之外，其結局往往就是重新啟動資本積累的引擊，繼續剝削工人，於是這些所謂革過命的國家，又會重新出現新的反體制運動︰
, o) r- {3 D, c5 _6 K...the so-called post-revolutionary regimes continue to function as part of the social division of labour of historical capitalism. They have thereby operated, willy-nilly, under the relentless pressures of the drive for the endless accumulation of capital. The political consequence internally has been the continued exploitation of the labour-force, if in a reduced and ameliorated form in many in stances. This has led to internal tensions paralleling those found in states that were not 'post-revolutionary', and this in turn has bred the emergence of new anti-systemic movements within these states.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb1 ~. e8 H7 N0 f( {: {3 l
對於國家在資本主義的意義，可以如此總結︰"Changes in state structures have altered the politics of accumulation; they have not yet been able to end them."
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. N ~/ l% t, u0 @8 P, O公仔箱論壇後半本的 "Historical Capitalism" ，主要處理兩個議題︰意識形態和歷史進步論，而我認為後者尤其重要。跟正統的馬克思主義者不同， Wallerstein 懷疑歷史進步論，他質疑進步論中的兩個觀點－－（1）歷史資本主義比先前的歷史系統較為進步；（2）歷史資本主義終會被更進步的歷史系統（社會主義）所取代－－這兩個觀點彼此相關、互相證成，而 Wallerstein 則透過攻擊觀點（1），解釋進步並非必然，繼而動搖我們對（2）的信仰－－我們決不能只坐等資本主義滅亡，在歷史的交叉點上，我們的行動將會影響歷史的走向。
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7 }6 A& g5 P5 ~4 z% H8 N/ X2 J8 z嫌太長的話可以按中文詮腳選段閱讀。
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2 m& g: Z4 O, H: ?5 F（四）種族主義Wallerstein 認為前資本主義時代的恐外情緒跟現代的種族主義是不同的東西，種族主義是資本主義底下的意識形態，被用以合理化不平等的經濟分配。$ g8 U7 i" t- ~4 K9 ^ `; D
What we mean by racism has little to do with the xenophobia that existd in various prior historical systems. Xenophobia was literally fear of the 'stranger'. Racism within historical capitalism was the mode by which various segments of the work-force within the same economic structure were constrained to relate to each other. Racism was the ideological justification for the hierarchization of the work-force and its highly unequal distributions of reward.2 `3 ~. ~7 n% D) m; X! G
The ideological statements have been in the form of allegations that genetic and/or long-lasting 'cultural' traits of various groups are the major cause of differential allocation to positions in the economic structures. However, the beliefs that certain groups were 'superior' to others in certain characteristics relevant to performance in the economic arena always came into being after, rather than before, the location of these groups in the work-force. Racism has always been post hoc. It has been asserted that those who have been economically and politically oppressed are culturally 'inferior'. If, for any reason, the locus in the economic hierarchy changed, the locus in the social hierarchy tended to follow.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 i" x" i( U2 r( v7 |
種族主義除了有利規限受害者對階級流動的期待，也有利分化中層和底層的勞動軍，就像利用囚犯來監管囚犯。
o6 _6 }5 N/ DTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。[Racism] has served to socialize groups into their own role in the economy... Racism, just like sexism, functioned as a self-suppressive ideology, fashioning expectations and limiting them.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb8 @- P+ o8 R( A. V9 `1 A/ { H' q
[Racism] served to keep low-ranking groups in line, and utilize middle-ranking groups as the unpaid soldiers of the world police system. In this way, not only were the financial costs of the political structures reduced significantly, but the ability of anti-systemic groups to mobilize wide populations was rendered more difficult, since racism structurally set victims against victims.
. x7 f* X) _, ]& A1 t8 `" B5 R- ~ （五）普世主義Wallerstein 認為資本主義中的兩大意識形態︰種族主義和普世主義，看似互相矛盾，但其實都是依資本主義運作的需要在同一個系統下製造出來的。普世主義主要是菁英的信仰，有利於各國的上層及中層階級的整合。
5 T! Q* e+ w' w, X% D" q$ [Work-forces could not be expected to perform efficiently and continuously unless they were managed by cadres. Cadres too have had to be created, socialized, reproduced. The primary ideology that operated to create, socialize, and reproduce them was not the ideology of racism. It was that of universalism.5.39.217.76 U. @: D$ ^2 Q9 W: Q4 T5 i% d- Y0 v
Whereas racism served as a mechanism of world-wide control of direct producers, universalism served to direct the activities of the bourgeoisie of other states and various middle strata world-wide into channels that would maximize the close integration of production processes and the smooth operation of the interstate system, thereby facilitating the accumulation of capital.
+ f; V9 n& m$ k5 y: c8 L Scientific culture... was a form of socialization of the diverse elements that were the cadres of all the institutional structures that were needed. As a language common to cadres but not directly to the labour-force, it became also a means of class cohesion for the upper stratum, limiting the prospects or extent of rebellious activity on the part of cadres who might be so tempted.5.39.217.76- Q" ]! j/ a3 @# h" _) q* R4 ^
（六）歷史進步論然後 Wallerstein 也討論了歷史進步論這個意識形態，他先指出左翼的歷史進步論合理化了社會主義，但同時也合理化了資本主義。而根據過往幾十年的經驗，比較蘇聯和美國的物質生活水平，唯物主義進步觀也可以反咬「社會主義實驗」一口，這成了當代左翼其中一個意識形態危機。5.39.217.769 B+ h% ?. J# P1 F
/ h" I9 Q/ y& }/ c8 C! S1 Otvb now,tvbnow,bttvb至於對進步論本身， Wallerstein 持否定的態度，指出它最大的問題在於 "the one-sidedness of all measures proposed" ，並逐一質疑進步論者提出的各種測量指標︰5.39.217.76; t* l, i) h/ c( B9 q* x
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1) 科學／科技進步 v.s. 被丟失遺忘的傳統知識TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。; V* T8 {: k7 ]9 e' D
...we never seriously discuss how much knowledge we have lost in the world-wide sweep of the ideology of universalism. Or if we do, we categorize such lost knowledge as mere (?) wisdom. Yet, at the simple technical levels of agricultural productivity and biological wholeness, we have been discovering of late that methods of human action discarded a century or two ago (a process enforced by enlightened elites upon backward masses) often need to be revived because they turn out to be more, not less, efficacious.
" M- ?7 W" i$ ^2 [: T2 E- }5.39.217.76 2) 生產效率進步 v.s. 工作負擔增加tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb/ @; F) ~* R, t# |' n! G5 Q/ K
Each input of human energy has been rewarded with steadily greater outputs of products, which is surely true as well. But we do not calculate to what degree this has meant that humanity has reduced or increased the total inputs of energy that individuals separately, or all people within the capitalist world-economy collectively, have been called upon to invest, whether per unit of time or per lifetime. Can we be so sure that the world is less burdensome under historical capitalism than under prior systems?
- c0 {5 t( R/ W% r0 I 3) 物質生活提升 v.s 精神生活墜落5.39.217.76* U$ F$ n; e4 X0 W6 A2 K
...doubts in this domain have grown steadily throughout the twentieth century, as our now frequent references to 'quality of life' and mounting concern with anomie, alienation, and psychic maladies indicate.
# [/ X( P: N! _5 H7 E0 r6 stvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 4) 對人類更安全的環境 v.s. 現代戰爭與核威脅
) o& w9 L6 g$ c& W; C9 Ftvb now,tvbnow,bttvbOnce again this is incontestable at a micro level... But has this really been true at a macro level, even up to now, and even omitting the Damoclean sword of nuclear war?
$ v3 x" }! L1 s( n! \) M, i公仔箱論壇 Wallerstein 更指出，要說今日的世界對比一千年前有更多的自由、平等和友愛，也至少不是不證自明的。但不要搞錯，他並沒有把前現代的生活想像成田園牧歌，它們也是沒有多少自由平等友愛，但問題是在比較之下資本主義世界真的以前多嗎？還有一個說法就是殘忍行為（Cruelties）的減少， Wallerstein 回應說，即使不考慮歷史資本主義對窮人的殘酷，二十世紀的歷史也足以顯示今人的 "unusual talents of refinement in these ancient arts."tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb7 `$ R& A! X/ a
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提出了對進步論的種種質疑後，Wallerstein 打算要為一種少有的說法辯護︰"the absolute (not relative) immiseration of the proletariat" ，今日的資本主義比二百年前的更差，生活相對改善了的工人只是世界人口的一小部份。
3 ?. q+ f& h- z8 | r! S- u4 {Surely you can't be serious; surely you mean relative immiseration? Is not the industrial worker strikingly better off today than in 1800? The industrial worker, yes, or at least many industrial workers. But industrial workers still comprise a relatively small part of the world's population.
2 O' @9 l4 E4 M2 m5 f$ xTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。The overwhelming proportion of the world's work-forces, who lives in rural zones or move between them and urban slums, are worse off than their ancestors five hundred years ago.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb! J- B2 ?$ N, K2 t. \: W
They unquestionably work harder -- more hours per day, per year, per lifetime. And since they do this for less total reward, the rate of exploitation has escalated very sharply.
* v# m6 h8 a$ R& I3 E% F1 ^5.39.217.76 他也提到資本主義對社區的破壞，小型的社區結構被大型的政治經濟結構取代，名義上的個人主義和自由主義並沒有為鄉區的窮人帶來「解放」，而是更多的操控和壓迫。
/ ]* O7 f6 [$ h2 E A4 C5 yIn many areas, and for long periods, the prior role of the community structures has been assumed by 'plantations', that is, by the oppressive control of large-scale politico-economic structures controlled by 'entrepreneurs'. The 'plantations' of the capitalist world-economy -- whether based on slavery, imprisonment, share-cropping (forced or contractual), or wage-labour -- can scarcely be said to have provide more leeway for 'individuality'.
4 W+ i* C9 Q1 B6 R, z Even where one form or another of direct authoritarian control of agricultural activity (what we have just labelled 'plantations') was not substituted for the prior laxer community structure of control, the disintegration of the community structures in rural zones was not experienced as a 'liberation', since it was inevitably accompanied, indeed frequently directly caused, by a constantly growing control by the emergent state structures which increasingly have been unwilling to leave the direct producer to his autonomous, local decision-making processes.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。. l2 S7 x; f4 M$ _5 a1 j
那為什麼活在城市的我們很容易覺得「世界在變好」？那是因為我們都是受惠於資本主義的中層成員︰TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。7 P0 T7 q7 e0 h: [ O$ B& \& {7 f& m
A good deal of the 'progressive' politics of the past several hundred years of historical capitalism has resulted in the steady diminution of the unequal distribution of the world surplus-value among that small group who have shared in it. The shouts of triumph of this 'middle' sector over the reduction of their gap with the upper one per cent have masked the realities of the growing gap between them and the other eighty-five per cent.
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發表於 2015-1-7 12:25 PM
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