本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-7-16 10:11 PM 編輯 公仔箱論壇3 c0 s$ u: n4 h4 m
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戴大為: 英國應為香港民主挺身而出5.39.217.762 t _( l7 N* ?& Z' t
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英國將香港移交給中國十七年後,這塊土地的政治未來仍懸而未決。香港或許會繼續前進,實現全面民主的政治制度﹔而北京方面或許會阻礙民主發展,最終以管理其他中國城市的方式管控香港。公仔箱論壇% Z. g* Z9 V& P( e: v8 x
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所有跡象都表明,北京計劃加強控制。愈發躁動不安的香港人今年夏天舉行抗議活動,反對北京方面的干預,此時國際社會,特別是前殖民宗主國英國,有道義上和法律上的義務,支持香港人要求民主與自治的願望。倫敦方面應當要求北京遵守協議,軟化立場。
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7月1日,大約有50萬人在香港走上街頭,對北京的干涉表示抗議。那之前幾天,大約有80萬香港人參與了由主張民主的團體組織的非正式投票,他們支持通過民主方式選舉香港的下一任領導人,北京方面幾乎排除了這種可能性。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。" q) D% R, X2 s- j, P5 K* v
3 y+ X0 I& L: \- x3 x$ n( \; z# j7 n5.39.217.76中國政府曾經承諾給予香港人“普選權”,通過自由選舉產生香港的下一任領導人。但最近幾個月,中國政府明確表示,它打算違背這一承諾,堅稱北京方面必須審核候選人是否“愛國”。但激起香港人對內地干涉的抗議的,是中國政府6月公布的一份措辭強硬的政策文件,文件中稱北京對香港擁有最終的權威。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。% T, D; W8 X+ e7 ^8 z; {5 X! x& {7 ^
* K, z" A0 G8 p這份所謂的白皮書稱,1984年中英兩國簽署的《聯合聲明》(Joint Declaration)中承諾香港擁有的“高度自治權”,並不是指“完全自治”。簽署聲明時,北京方面意在讓全世界放心,英國的殖民統治結束後,中國不會對香港進行干涉。白皮書中聲稱,北京方面可以隨心所欲地對香港法律進行解釋,全然無視英國前首相戴卓爾夫人(Margaret Thatcher)在《聯合聲明》上的簽字。白皮書聲稱,香港自治權的“唯一來源是中央授權”。
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/ d7 u0 d, H$ S" s& f; S/ ~或許最令人不安的是,該文件將北京對香港的控制權與它對中國其他自治地方的統治相提並論。只要了解中央政府如何對待西藏和新疆的民眾,任何人都會對這種前景產生擔憂。公仔箱論壇 z' T* a2 u2 R# a9 a1 N0 [
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形勢本不應如此嚴峻。早在1979年,鄧小平與英國官員舉行會晤時就表示,香港人應該對中國的統治感到“放心”。香港的小憲法《基本法》在很大程度上履行了《聯合聲明》中的法律承諾。香港法庭獲得授權,能夠在自治權允許的范圍內解釋《基本法》,北京方面負責處理外交及國防事務。最重要的是,香港將會實施“普選”。
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4 i* y, B F" z f如今,白皮書將香港的法官稱為“治港者”,並強調他們在保衛國家安全方面的作用。
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5 Y7 B8 ]! b% {! F, a# B, W8 U香港移交後不久,裂痕就出現了。一開始,全國人民代表大會常務委員會實際上推翻了香港終審法院1999年對一項涉及當地居留權的案件作出的裁決,促使人們對香港的司法獨立產生了嚴重的擔憂。後來,北京方面要求,任何對立法會(Legislative Council)選舉程序進行改革的舉動,都要經過中央政府批准。在過去十年間,唯北京馬首是瞻的香港政府,還曾試圖推行不受歡迎的國家安全立法和愛國教育政策(面對大規模公眾抗議,港府都放棄了上述舉措)。與此同時,人們普遍認為,某種形式的權貴資本主義已經越過邊境,蔓延到了香港。
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2007年,北京方面終於同意,允許香港在2017年通過普選產生行政長官。然而,北京方面在最近一年裡堅稱,候選人必須“愛國愛港”——這一措辭意在排除民主人士。香港人感覺自己除了走上街頭支持民主之外,已經別無選擇。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。! H/ M3 q0 T5 L) m# w+ C5 g% M
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“讓愛與和平佔領中環”(Occupy Central With Love and Peace)組織曾威脅,如果政府不提出符合國際標准的公平的民主方案,該組織就會在金融區中環,舉行大規模的公民不服從抗議活動。為了展示公眾對其立場的支持,“佔領中環”上個月組織了投票活動。該活動要求香港市民在提名行政長官候選人的三個民主方案中選擇一個。政府的方案定於本周公布,組織者稱,如果政府提出的方案意在阻撓真正的民主改革,他們最早將於8月舉行下一場抗議。3 Z" n- {7 |' O( j
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誰會為香港挺身而出?大型國際銀行和會計事務所遵從北京的立場,公開表示民眾抗議會破壞香港經濟,擾亂治安。華盛頓和其他國家的政府,除了像往常一樣表態支持“可信的”選舉之外,基本上都對北京最新的舉動保持沉默。" ~* E8 i% s- q, l3 W
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一項特殊的責任落在英國身上,一些香港人在7月1日舉行示威活動期間就高舉著英國國旗。英國首相戴維•卡梅倫(David Cameron)最近在中國總理李克強訪問倫敦期間,與中國簽署了一些重要的貿易協議。人們不禁要問,卡梅倫是否會介入,履行英國對香港民眾的承諾。他應該考慮一下前首相馬卓安(John Major)的話。馬卓安在英國將香港移交給中國之前,曾設法讓心懷警惕的世界放心。
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, R# F7 @- Z* Q' U6 c5.39.217.76馬卓安在1996年,也就是移交香港的前一年表示,“如果未來出現了違反《聯合聲明》的跡象,我們就會動員國際社會,採取所有的法律及其他手段。”很明顯,這個時刻已經到來。
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NYT: Who Will Stand Up for Hong Kong?tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb Y' n; `! @+ ~ c
By MICHAEL C. DAVIS July 16, 2014
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Seventeen years after the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China, the political future of the territory hangs in the balance. The city can continue down a path that will lead to a fully democratic political system, or Beijing can thwart its democratic development and eventually run Hong Kong like just another Chinese city.
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All signs indicate that Beijing plans to tighten its grip. As increasingly restive Hong Kongers protest this summer against Beijing’s interference, the international community, particularly Britain, the former colonial power, has a moral and legal obligation to support their will for democracy and autonomy. London should demand that Beijing live up to its agreements and back off.
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2 T/ _6 b P2 ? ?6 N( z$ o; ^% D$ D公仔箱論壇On July 1st, an estimated half a million people took to the Hong Kong streets to protest Beijing’s meddling. In the days before, nearly 800,000 Hong Kongers participated in an informal vote run by a pro-democracy group in support of electing the city’s next leader by democratic means, a prospect Beijing has all but ruled out.
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In recent months, the Chinese government has made clear that it intends to renege on a promise to allow Hong Kongers“universal suffrage” to freely elect their next leader by insisting Beijing must vet the candidates for “patriotism.” But it was the release in June of a strongly worded policy paper in which Beijing claimed ultimate authority over Hong Kong that galvanized locals against the mainland’s interference.5.39.217.76% [, L V* V: X+ G6 l5 Q3 j' E
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The so-called white paper says the “high degree of autonomy” Hong Kong was promised in the 1984 Joint Declaration —signed by Britain and China when Beijing was trying to assure the world it would leave Hong Kong alone after the end of British colonial rule — is not“full autonomy.” In blatant disregard of Margaret Thatcher’s signature on the Joint Declaration, the white paper claims that Beijing can interpret Hong Kong law as it sees fit. The territory’s autonomy, the paper says, derives “solely from the authorization of the central leadership.”
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Perhaps most troubling, the document likens Beijing’s authority over Hong Kong to how it rules other autonomous regions in China — a worrying prospect for anyone familiar with how the leadership treats the people of Tibet and Xinjiang.5.39.217.76' Y4 {8 z4 _2 ?, X
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The situation should not be this bleak. As early as 1979, in meetings with British officials, Deng Xiaoping said Hong Kongers should “put their hearts at ease” about Chinese rule. The Basic Law,Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, largely fulfilled the legal commitments made in the Joint Declaration. Hong Kong courts were authorized to interpret the Basic Law within the scope of Hong Kong’s autonomy, while foreign affairs and defense were to be handled by Beijing. Most importantly, “universal suffrage” was to be implemented.
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Now, the white paper refers to Hong Kong’s judges as “administrators” and emphasizes their role in guarding national security.公仔箱論壇5 [9 P+ R+ z5 w* C4 {, z; v2 [0 n" @
7 e; W9 E/ s0 q* e m% P K% zCracks appeared soon after the handover.First, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee effectively overturned a 1999 decision by Hong Kong’s highest court in a case about local residency rights, raising great concern about Hong Kong’s judicial independence. Later,Beijing made central government approval a requirement for any reforms to the Legislative Council election process. And over the past decade the subservient Hong Kong government has tried to push through unpopular national security laws and policies on patriotic education (all abandoned in the face of mass public protests). Meanwhile, a form of crony capitalism is widely thought to be creeping across the border.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。$ h" j# H' J* z& N" x/ p, [
f, ]! S$ j6 N0 w6 [8 I3 n4 E( X0 K公仔箱論壇Still, Beijing finally agreed in 2007 to allow universal suffrage to elect the chief executive in 2017. Yet in the last year Beijing has insisted that nominees must “love China and love Hong Kong” —language that is code to exclude the democrats. Locals feel they have no other choice but to take the cause of democracy to the streets.
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' c4 A7 s9 I* Q9 Q$ G8 z4 x7 ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThe group Occupy Central with Love and Peace has threatened a mass act of civil disobedience in the Central financial district if the government does not put forth fair democracy proposals that meet international standards. To show support for its position, Occupy Central organized last month’s vote in which citizens were asked to choose from three democratic proposals for nominating chief executive candidates. The next protest, its organizers say, could happen as early as August if government proposals, due out this week, aim to block real democratic reform.
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Who will stand up for Hong Kong? Major international banks and accounting firms are toeing Beijing’s line, saying publicly that mass protests will disrupt the city’s economy and threaten the peace. Except for the usual expression of support for“credible” elections, Washington and other foreign governments have largely remained silent on Beijing’s latest moves.
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4 T% u% `, ~3 V6 C' R5 @2 nA special onus falls on Britain, whose flag some Hong Kongers waved during the July 1 demonstrations. One can only wonder if Prime Minister David Cameron, who recently signed a group of major trade deals with China during Prime Minister Li Keqiang’s visit to London, will ever weigh in to uphold his country’s commitment to Hong Kong’s people. He should consider the words of his predecessor, John Major, who sought to assure a wary world before Hong Kong was handed over to the Chinese.
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“If in the future there were any suggestion of a breach of the Joint Declaration, we would mobilize the international community and pursue every legal or other avenue open to us,” Prime Minister Major said back in 1996, a year before the handover. It’s clear that time has come.
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" y. W' K9 T! L1 K9 }Michael C. Davis is a law professor at the University of Hong Kong who specializes in constitutional development and human rights.2 b6 s$ b1 W4 Q- V' R
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