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[時事討論] 提防歐洲極端勢力 Gideon Rachman

提防歐洲極端勢力  Gideon Rachmantvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# ~& v$ E2 S( M' N7 S9 }! d

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& y1 L; u% q( M) [" Z- _+ v. Ytvb now,tvbnow,bttvb希臘和意大利技術官僚總理走馬上任並沒有受到普遍的贊譽。一些人抱怨,盧卡斯•帕帕季莫斯(Lucas Papademos)和馬裡奧•蒙蒂(Mario Monti)並非經過選舉,因此由他們擔任總理隻是印証了歐洲一體化計劃精英主義、不民主的本質。
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或許的確如此。但在金融危機之中,技術官僚有值得稱道之處。他們對收益率曲線和債務抵押債券(CDO)熟稔於心,他們既了解外國,又了解市場。如果你走進他們的辦公室,他們不大可能索取賄賂,也不會捏你的屁股。而鑒於他們在人們看來是無意長期從政的,或許他們有能力做出艱難的抉擇。" |) x6 F# X; V1 c

0 ~2 G7 K3 ^# M  P4 W9 T5 Stvb now,tvbnow,bttvb歐洲技術官僚們的資歷大都驚人地相似。可以比較一下蒙蒂、帕帕季莫斯和歐洲央行(ECB)新行長馬裡奧•德拉吉(Mario Draghi)的履歷,他們三人都是曾在美國接受教育的經濟學家,三人都曾在歐盟(EU)官僚機構中擔任過高級職務,蒙蒂和德拉吉還都曾在高盛(Goldman Sachs)供職。
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3 d! t/ L- B* T5.39.217.76他們的資歷會合市場的意,但會讓反全球化人士不滿。不過歐洲,甚至全世界,都有充分的理由希望蒙蒂和帕帕季莫斯能夠創造奇跡。因為如果這兩位技術官僚失敗,極端主義者就會迫不及待地登上舞台。
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在希臘,現在約有四分之一選民表示青睞極左翼政黨,另有8%選民表示支持右翼民族主義政黨。希臘極端主義政治力量現在擁有的支持者的總和,超過了兩大主流政黨中的任何一個。在西爾維奧•貝盧斯科尼(Silvio Berlusconi)被迫辭職后,意大利政治格局可能會出現一段時間的混亂,但是意大利過去曾經產生過聲勢浩大的共產主義和極右翼運動。與此同時,意大利北方聯盟(NorthernLeague)黨魁翁貝托•博西(Umberto Bossi)聲稱,他將樂意加入反對派陣營,在反對派陣營中他可以炮轟歐盟、移民政策和意大利南部地區。公仔箱論壇' j! j0 y2 B0 v4 v- w

% F- D3 E$ I/ i# c/ `$ {- H在歐洲的債權國,政治的極端化也和債務國一樣明顯。極右翼政黨國民陣線(National Front)黨魁馬琳•勒龐(Marine Le Pen)在法國2012年總統大選中將會產生很大的影響,盡管她取勝的可能性不大。在荷蘭,政府現在需要依靠海爾特•威爾德斯(Geert Wilders)領導的荷蘭自由黨(Freedom Party)的選票,該黨在民調中支持率位列第二。奧地利極右翼政黨奧地利自由黨(Freedom Party)在民調中的支持率與執政的奧地利人民黨(People’s Party)不相上下。在芬蘭,奉行民族主義的正統芬蘭人黨(True Finns)的支持面仍然在擴大,而且能夠輕而易舉在民調中贏得超過20%的支持率。公仔箱論壇4 Y8 `8 l* m, G- {. x

1 D1 \/ p) E* Q' \9 r8 l8 Y& K6 G- e所有這些興起的政黨都會猛烈抨擊布魯塞爾、華爾街或者本國政府中的“精英”。他們都敵視全球化,敵視外來移民,尤其是來自伊斯蘭世界的移民。歐洲部分極右翼勢力,如匈牙利約比克(Jobbik),還會宣揚傳統的反猶思想。而其他右翼政治人物,如荷蘭的威爾德斯,則強烈支持以色列。這或許是因為他們認為在與伊斯蘭世界之間的文明沖突中,以色列這個猶太國家是一個盟友。
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不過,歐洲的民粹主義者們越來越傾向於跳脫出仇視外來移民的少數陣營,他們正在轉而強調具有更廣泛號召力的經濟和反歐洲一體化議題。
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0 T) K4 f' n3 }; ?2 {4 }9 i$ L* L5.39.217.76所有的民粹主義政黨對歐盟都抱有深深的懷疑,它們認為歐盟在推動許多他們厭惡的事務,如文化多元主義、國際資本主義、淡化國界、取消各國本幣。
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TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 B: @6 l' ~; S8 \1 a
勒龐在競選造勢時鼓吹讓法國退出歐元區、構筑關稅壁壘、退出允許歐盟內部人員自由流動的《申根協定》(Schengen Agreement)。荷蘭政客威爾德斯曾經隻關注反伊斯蘭,但他最近宣布將研究荷蘭拋棄歐元,重新啟用荷蘭盾(guilder)的可能性。民調顯示,多數荷蘭民眾現在表示,后悔當初採用了歐洲單一貨幣。
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! G4 R6 A) i, X公仔箱論壇眼下,在歐洲各國,似乎沒有任何一個極右或極左政黨有希望在大選中奪得政權。總的來說,主流政黨仍然可以聯合起來,將極端主義政黨排除在外。但忽視民粹和極端主義勢力仍然是一個巨大的錯誤。
" M/ p6 _- M' qTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。

- X; P0 _- d: M2 A$ V& Z7 \這些集團的影響力已經大到可以影響政治辯論的程度。芬蘭、荷蘭和斯洛伐克等債權國的主流政治人物表示,在希臘紓困之后,他們不可能再投票支持一項為意大利提供貸款的方案,否則選民就會倒戈,轉而支持極端主義政黨。而在法國,圍繞外來移民和經濟政策問題展開的政治辯論很顯然受到了國民陣線的右傾影響。
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所有這些都發生在經濟狀況不佳,但還沒有達到災難地步的情況下。但請想象一下,如果銀行開始倒閉,人民的儲蓄不翼而飛、大量失業,經濟再次陷入嚴重衰退,歐洲的政治格局將會怎樣?到那時,將會有數量多得多的選民因為大感失落、絕望,轉而把票投給極端主義政黨。公仔箱論壇9 N( D  B7 r9 z: C5 ~. C& N/ o/ }8 j

5 K2 b4 I# @+ G& u, DTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。所以,許多重大的問題都取決於歐洲技術官僚是否有能力穩定本國經濟、安撫債券市場,從而避免下一次金融危機、避免歐元區的無序瓦解。
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6 {; b9 n$ M# {0 C8 B麻煩的是,盡管蒙蒂、帕帕季莫斯和德拉吉都很有能力,但他們畢竟不能創造奇跡。危險在於歐洲現在的狀況可能過於嚴重,就連最堅定、最卓越的技術官僚也無法力挽狂瀾。
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-11-29 08:15 AM 編輯
: O4 t( O* c5 u, d5 H* KTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。  m9 V) @+ o) w0 L1 k- z
Look behind you,Lucas and Mario  Gideon Rachman0 [$ x8 q) Y# Z( ^( d5 Y5 P
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  Y. [9 R/ Z& W) R公仔箱論壇The arrival of technocratic prime ministers in Greece and Italy has not been greeted with universal applause. Some complain that because Lucas Papademos and Mario Monti have not been elected, their appointments will simply confirm the elitist and undemocratic nature of the European project.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb% Y- A! i$ A& r  ^
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Perhaps so. But technocrats have something to be said for them in the middle of a financial crisis. They are perfectly at home in the world of yield curves and collateralised debt obligations. They understand foreign countries, as well as the markets. If you enter their offices they are unlikely to ask for a bribe or to pinch your bum. Since they are assumed not to want a long-term career in politics, they may be able to take difficult decisions.
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2 \6 z1 `5 e" U- xtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbEuropean technocrats tend to have strikingly similar credentials. Compare the CVs of Mr.Monti, Mr. Papademos and Mario Draghi, the newly arrived head of the European Central Bank. All three men are economists who trained in the US. All three have had topjobs in the bureaucracy of the European Union. Both Mr. Monti and Mr. Draghi have worked for Goldman Sachs.0 o7 |* u" c8 k9 A2 R! F8 E
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These qualifications will please the markets and upset anti-globalists. But Europe, and the world at large,has every reason to hope that Messrs Monti and Papademos can work miracles. For if the technocrats fail to do so, the extremists are waiting in the wings.. b; Z9 p$ k; n1 d* @
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In Greece, about a quarter of the electorate now say that they favour parties of the far left, and a further 8 per cent back the nationalist right.Collectively, the political extremes in Greece now muster more support than either of the two mainstream parties. The shape of Italian politics, after the forced resignation of Silvio Berlusconi, is likely to be confused for awhile. But Italy has spawned powerful communist and far right movements in the past. In the meantime, Umberto Bossi of the Northern League says that he will relish entering opposition – where he can rail against the EU, immigrants and southern Italians.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb, X' Z$ i3 @: l+ @4 v

5 _1 n5 x+ z. }3 ytvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThe radicalisation of politics is just as visible in the creditor nations of Europe as amongst the debtors.Marine Le Pen of the far right National Front will have a big impact on the2012 presidential election in France, although she is unlikely to win. In the Netherlands the government is now reliant on the votes of the Freedom party led by Geert Wilders, which is running second in the polls. Austria’s far right Freedom party is at level pegging in the polls with the governing People’s party. In Finland the nationalist True Finns are still gaining ground and are easily over 20 per cent in the polls.公仔箱論壇+ r% f, d7 R" J; u. k

+ @$ t; i8 u$ N% W/ N5.39.217.76All of these rising parties rail against “elites”, whether in Brussels, Wall Street or their own governments. They are all hostile to globalisation and to immigration,particularly from the Muslim world. Some parts of the European far right, such as the Jobbik party in Hungary, still play on traditional anti-Semitic themes. But others, like Mr Wilders in the Netherlands, are strongly pro-Israel,perhaps because they see the Jewish state as an ally in a clash of civilisations with the Muslim world.
. z4 c2 F8 t- y+ ?% \TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。
3 q  \0 Z! K7 P' g公仔箱論壇Increasingly,however, Europe’s populists are intent on breaking out of the electoral ghetto of hostility to immigration – and are instead stressing economic and eurosceptic themes that have a broader appeal.
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All the populist parties are deeply sceptical of the EU, which they see as promoting most of the things they abhor: multiculturalism, international capitalism, the erosion of national borders and the erasure of national currencies.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。  {3 T0 S' j$ D% b

6 c3 d6 Q! v1 a1 S) b* atvb now,tvbnow,bttvbMs Le Pen campaigns to withdraw France from the euro, impose tariff barriers and roll back the Schengen agreement on free movement of people across the EU. Mr Wilders, who was once a single-issue anti-Islam politician,has just announced he is investigating the possibility of the Netherlands ditching the euro and going back to the guilder. Polls show that a majority of the Dutch population now regret joining the European single currency.
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3 B/ x, d. w( m. K- Q2 L' PFor the moment, across Europe, there is no party of the far right or the far left that looks close to winning power through the ballot box. Generally the mainstream parties can still band together to keep the extremes out. But it would still be a big mistake to write the populists and extremists off.
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These groups are already powerful enough to strongly influence the debate. Mainstream politicians in creditor nations such as Finland, the Netherlands and Slovakia say that, after the Greek bail-out, they could not possibly vote for a further package of loans for Italy – the voters would revolt and turn to the political extremes. In France, debates on immigration and on economic policy have clearly been pulled right by the National Front.
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All this is happening in an economic situation that is bad – but not yet catastrophic. Imagine, however, what the European political landscape would look like if banks started to collapse, people lost their savings and their jobs, and there was another deep recession. At that point voters would be desperate and disillusioned enough to turn to the extremist parties in much larger numbers.) e& E6 ^  X4 }" b! j- a9 ]2 ^  C

% M' D4 u! S* _; v: r, gSo a great deal is riding on the ability of the technocrats to stabilise their national economies, calm the bond markets and prevent another financial crisis and a disorderly break-up of the euro.
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% S$ {2 p- X: a0 e: F. @5.39.217.76The trouble is that, while Messrs Monti, Papademos and Draghi are very able men,they are not miracle-workers. The danger is that the situation in Europe may now be too far gone for even the most steely and brilliant of technocrats to turn things around.
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-11-29 08:17 AM 編輯 + w  J/ t% x7 H' @
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Europe's left has vanished from the map   Gulf Stream Blues3 F: @1 \# ~: T3 w( w' A6 H) q

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, p3 f2 \' K" K, v4 @7 m! r5 xIt's a process that's been long in the making, but this weekend's election in Spain seemed to be the final nail in the coffin for European Democratic Socialism - at least for the moment. With the fall of the Socialist government of Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero in Spain, following on the heels of the fall of Socialist prime minister George Papandreou in Greece two weeks ago, the EU is now left with only two centre-left governments - Denmark and Austria.
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The already dwindling left was already not in a good position, with just five centre-left governments out of the 27 EU states at the beginning of the year.Four of those governments have since fallen, including the collapse of the Slovenian government in September (new elections, which the Left is certain to lose, will be held next month). Only the Austrian government has survived, and they were joined by the Danish social democrats who won a trend-defying election in September. Cyprus, which has a communist (butin truth more nationalist) government, does not sit with the centre-right grouping in Europe.3 b( g6 e8 P( \: E9 S: j

3 [, a: g# N, U! VAt the same time, five governments now have provisional or technocratic governments - effectively under the control of the markets and the dominant centre-right governments of Europe. The presidencies of the three institutions of EU governance - the commission, the parliament and the council - are all held by the centre-right. The situation is unprecedented. The irony is, at this time of crisis when Europe seems to be tearing itself apart, the governments of Europe have never been so ideologically united - at least in terms of the left-right divide.
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The one country that has bucked the rightward trend, Denmark, will take over the rotating EU ministerial presidency at the end of the year. There will be many on the left who will be looking to Denmark's new prime minister, Helle Thorning-Schmidt , to represent their interests as the only voice of the Left at EU level during the presidency term in the first half of2012. It's much like the way the Left was looking to Zapatero when Spain held the rotating presidency in 2009.! F+ D9 L$ ?  h  {; u

3 o) l: e  l3 q8 o& I3 |" ]% o公仔箱論壇But Zapatero never sought out a leadership role at European level, and so far Thorning-Schmidt also seems hesitant to take up the mantle. Even if Denmark holds the presidency, it would be hard for them to forcefully put forward the positions of the European left when that only represents the governments of two small countries.- x9 l" y! ]6 r: I7 k+ e% i

  p0 S7 ^# @; ctvb now,tvbnow,bttvbBut that could all change depending on the results of the French election in May of next year. Sarkozy's poll numbers are plunging lower by the day, and his loss of the French senateto the left in September seemed a harbinger of things to come. If Socialistcandidate Francois Hollande wins in May it would fundamentally change theEuropean political landscape and could reverse the left's decline. With thesupport of the government of the EU's second largest country, Denmark may feel more confident in promoting a Leftist solution to the European crisis.& V3 T/ `1 u. b9 _& d, y  J' {
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But if Hollande loses and Sarkozy is elected for a second term, it is hard to seethe European left regaining relevance again any time soon.
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